Full text of "Appomattox Manor - City Point: A History"

APPOMATTOX MANOR -CITY POINT

IJSTORY

DR. HARRY BUTOWSKY
NATIONAL PARK SERVICE
D- ATLANTIC REGION

19 78

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2012 with funding from

LYRASIS Members and Sloan Foundation

http://archive.org/details/appomattoxmanorcOObuto

N REPLY REFER TO:

United States Department of the Interior

NATIONAL PARK SERVICE
WASHINGTON, D.G. 20240

Mr. Edward Butowsky
7262 Hanford Street
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19149

Dear Mr. Butowsky:

Enclosed is a copy of my report Appomattox Manor -City Point -A History,

I want to thank you for your help in preparing this report and

will appreciate any comments you may have on the substance of the

report.

Sincerely yours,

Harry Butowsky, Ph.D,
Staff Historian

Appomattox Manor-City Point
A History

Dr. Harry Butowsky
National Park Service
Mid-Atlantic Region

1978

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
INTRODUCTION iii

Chapter 1

The Early History of City Point and

the Eppes Family 1

The Eppes Family before the time

of Dr . Richmond Eppes 8

Dr. Richard Eppes before the Civil War 3 3

The Civil War 4 2

Chapter 11

U. S. Grant and the Establishment of City Point 67

Strategic, Economic and Political Impli-
cations of the Civil War to 1864 7 7

Appointment of General Grant to Power and

Beginning of the Siege of Petersburg 7 9

The Movement of City Point 9 2

Chapter 111

Life at City Point 1864-1865 102

Chapter IV *

Logistics and Communications at City Point 17 3

The United States Military Railroads 191

Communications 22S

Chapter V

Lincoln and other visitors at City Point 241

BIBLIOGRAPHY 271

APPENDICES 292

LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS 311

Appomattox Manor-City Point
Introduction

Appomattox Manor is located in Hopewell* Virginia on a
promontory overlooking the confluence of the James and
Appomattox Rivers. The Manor house and several outbuild-
ings are located on the property which is currently
privately owned and includes a total of 15 acres.

Appomattox Manor is the ancestral home of the Eppes Family
and goes back to the days of Colonial America and has
played an important part in the history of the United
States. A summary of the historically significant story
of Appomattox Manor follows.

First, from June 15, 1864, until March 29, 1865, this
was the site for the Headquarters of the Armies of the
United States. The Headquarters with its Commanding
Officer, the General-in-Chief of the United States Armies,

^-Reference to Appomattox Manor in this report will
include the manor house, adjacent buildings, gardens, and
curtilage including the shores of the two rivers near the
house. The original name of the property was "Appomattox."
This was changed to "Appomattox Manor" in the 1930' s by the
post office to avoid confusion with Appomattox Court House.
In this report the term "Appomattox Manor" is used to con-
form with modern usage.

gave the United States for the first time an efficient
modern system of command for waging war. This head-
quarters at Appomattox Manor "was destined to become
historic and to be the scene of the most memorable events
of the war . "

Second, Lieutenant General U. S. Grant, General-in-Chief
of the Armies of the United States was quartered at
Appomattox Manor Estate during this period. It was here
that General Grant conducted his campaign against the
principal field army of the Confederacy, General Robert
E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia.

Third, President Abraham Lincoln for two of the last
three weeks of his life had his Executive Office at Head-
quarters, Armies of the United States. Lincoln visited
Grant's Headquarters in June, 1864, and from March 24,
to April 8, 1865. Living on board the R^vcx QulQ.<lyi ,
Lincoln came to Appomattox Manor to be "nearer to the end
of General Grant's present movement." The last telegram
of military importance to be sent by President Lincoln was
sent from here on April 7, 18 65: "General Sheridan says,
'if the thing is pressed, I think that Lee will surrender.'
Let the thing be pressed. A. Lincoln."

Fourth, the greatest logistical operation of the Civil
War was commanded from, and conducted on the waters and
shore adjacent to Appomattox Manor. The Chief Quarter-
master of Grant's staff was responsible for all logistical
operations and the Armies of the Potomac and the James.
From June, 1864, to May, 1865 his headquarters was in the
Manor House.

On an average day there were forty steamboats, seventy-
five sailing vessels, and one hundred barges tied up along
the mile-long waterfront. Army hospitals to accommodate
10,000 casualties were built along the bluff from City
Point to the present Hopewell Yacht Club.

Fifth, Appomattox Manor probably is the oldest English
Colonial Land Grant in the United States to continue in
the same family. Appomattox Manor is part of an original
grant by Charles I to Captain Francis Eppes in 1635 and
has had continuous ownership in the Eppes family for 34
years .

Appomattox Manor has an important story to tell the modern
visitor. Many of the important events of American History

occurred either directly on or nearby the property. The
first chapter of this report will detail the early history
of the site and its association with the Eppes family.

FIGURE 2

1962 Photo of Appomattox Manor, Hopewell , Va.
SOURCE: Report on Appomattox Manor, Hopewell , Va

FIGURE 3

Present condition of manor house, right, and
kitchen building, left.

Source; Report on Appomattox Manor Hopewell
Virginia , 1962.

viii

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Chapter One
The Early History of City Point and the Eppes Family

Following Queen Elizabeth's death in 1603, her successor,
James I, made peace with Spain, thus freeing English man-
power and resources for the colonization of America. In
1606, King James issued charters to two joint-stock com-
panies to colonize the land that Sir Walter Raleigh had named
Virginia in honor of the Virgin Queen Elizabeth. The more
important of the two Virginia companies , with headquarters
at London, promptly sent out an expedition. This expedition
reached the Chesepeake Bay in April 1607, after a voyage of
four months. The 100 odd settlers proceeded up the James
River and founded the first permanent settlement in the New
World at Jamestown.

Jamestown was not the unanimous choice of the colonists.
Had Captain Newport, a member of this first expedition had
his way, it would not have been selected as the site for the
first settlement. Newport, as commander of a twenty-one man
reconnaissance force, sailed up the James River in search of
a suitable site for the colony. On May 8, he saw City Point
and was impressed with the site. Before Newport could
return to the other colonists with his suggestions, the
decision was made to settle at Jamestown, thus City Point
missed becoming the site of the first permanent English

settlement in the New World by only the narrowest of
margins. ^

Newport found the City Point area populated by the Appo-
matuck Indians who were a sub-tribe of the Powhatan Indians
of the Algonquian linguistic stock. The origin of the
name Appomattox is obscure but it might have meant "tobacco
plant country" or "curving tidal estuary". *

Newport visited one of the villages of the Appomattuck
Indians near the junction of the James and Appomattox Rivers
during this first trip and was given a reluctant welcome by
the Indians. The light armour, helmets and weapons of the
English were intriguing to the Indians, while Newport was
equally interested in the native's clothing of skins, orna-
mented with bones, shells and teeth, as well as their weapons
which consisted of bows and arrows, hatchets and weighted
clubs. ^

^Francis Earle Lutz, The Prince George-Hopewell Story
(The William Bryd Press, Richmond, 1957), p. 3. Although
the identities of Newport's party is not definitely known,
it did include Captain Percy, eighth son of the Earl of
Northumberland, John Colloson, Robert Jackson, Robert
Tyndall and Matthew Finch.

2 Kelsie B. Harden, ed., Illustrated Dictionary of Place
Names-United States and Canada (Van Nostrand Reinhold and
Company, New York, 197 6.

^Lutz, p. 10.

Percy left an account of this first visit to the City Point-

Hopewell area:

The eight of May we discovered
(explored) up the river. We landed in
the countrey of the Apamatica. At our
landing came many stout and able savages
to resist us with their Bows and Arrowes,
in a most warlike manner, with the swords
at their backs beset with sharp stones and
pieces of iron able to cleave a man in
sunder. Amongst the rest, one of the
chiefest standing before them cross legged
with his Arrowes readdie in his Bow, and
taking a pipe of tobacco in the other, with
a bold uttering of his speech, demanding of
us our being there, willing (commanding) us
to bee gone. Wee made signs of peace, which
they perceived in the end, and let us land
in quiteness. 4

Newport wrote of the visit:

The men are straight and lusty, and run
exceedingly swift and so practised are they
in the arts of stealing that while looking
you in the face they will with their toes
take a chisel, knife or any light thing and
hold it an injury to have the stolen thing
taken away from the . *

The Indians visited by Newport lived simply in wigwams or

houses constructed from saplings and arranged cone-like,

with an opening at the top for smoke and fire to pass.

The frames of these buildings were covered with either bark

or skins, a small opening protected by a flap was used to

4 Ibid ., p. 5
5 Ibid.

provide access. The indians reported that they were com-
fortable even in the coldest of weather.

The Appomattuck Indians lived a sedentary life clustered
in agricultural villages. The women tilled the soil and
the men hunted and waged war. Tobacco and maize (Indian
corn) were the two most important Indian crops. Agri-
cultural implements and tools were primitive by the
standards of the English farmers. Land was cleared of
trees by stripping a circle of bark from the base of the
tree. The stumps were left in the ground and the ground
was prepared for planting with the use of the wooden hoe
faced with bone, horn and stone.

In addition to maize and tobacco, beans, peas, pumpkins,
muskmelons, cymblings and gourds were raised. Strawberries,
gooseberries, blackberries, mulburries, chestnuts and
persimmons were gathered from the surrounding forests. 7

Although duties concerning the gathering, raising and hunt-
ing of food were carefully divided between the sexes it is
probable that most of the basic caloric intake was provided

6 Ibid .
'ibid., p. 6.

by the women of the village who raised the crops and gathered
food from the forest. While hunting and fishing provided
welcome additions to the diet, this source of food supply
was too uncertain for the village to rely on for its food
needs.

On May 22, 1607/ Newport returned to the area for a second
visit. 8

The arrival of the Englishmen provoked a much friendlier
response among the Appomattuck Indians who stood along the
banks of the river offering food and welcome. The English-
men were the guests of Queen Opusoquoinuske of the Appo-
mattuck Indians. Her area of authority extended to both
sides of the Appomattox River from the mouth to the falls,

with one village on the Prince George side just below

9
Petersburg and another near the present Bermuda Hundred.

Percy reported that the Queen had copper around her neck
and a crown of copper on her head. He further reported that

^The roster for this second visit included Newport,
Smith and Percy, and Captain Gabriel Archer. Others included
John Brooks, Thomas Whooten, Johanas Poole, John Crookdeck,
Benjamin Black, Thomas Turnbridge, Robert Marham, Francis
Nelson, Oliver Brown, Richard Genoway, Thomas Godward,
Charles Clarke, Skinner and Jeremy Deale, and two boys, Stephen
and Daniel .

Ibid . , p . 6 .

"She has long black hair, which hanged loose down her back
to her middle; which only partly was covered with deer skin
and all else naked." 10

The total population of the tribe was probable 250 to 300
men, women and children which translated into a military
force of eighty warriors. After a short visit, Newport
again returned to Jamestown.

The first years of the Jamestown colony were not easy.
Hunger, hostile indians, and disease took many lives and/
at one point, the colony was almost abandoned. Much of the
trouble arose because of the faulty organization and
unrealistic aims of the enterprise. Anxious for quick
profits from gold, the settler's were slow to take up the
practice of agriculture necessary to sustain the colony.
This reluctance arose partly from the fact that all of the
original settlers were employees of the company and their
labor was exacted under a military discipline by an auto^-
cratic government. This system was changed in 1618 when
the company initiated a new program for the colony and
chose Sir Edwin Sandys (who never came to Virginia) to
execute it. Under this "headright" system a person would

Ibid.

receive fifty acres of land for himself and every person
he brought to Virginia. Individuals receiving these
grants were required to build a house and plant a crop
within three years, and to pay an annual quitrent of one
shilling for every fifty acres as long as they remained
in possession of the land. Under this system a person would
receive fifty acres for every individual he transported to
America. The result of this new system was to greatly
increase the population of Virginia.

As the population of Virginia increased and the years passed
other changes occurred in the organization of the colony that
made life in America more desirable for settlement. These
were the introduction of tobacco cultivation, which gave
the colony a cash crop to pay for its imports, the intro-
duction of Negro servants and later slaves, which provided
a cheap source of labor and the beginning of the first
representative assembly, which provided a liberal atmosphere
in which economic changes could develop. The combination
of these forces combined with a cheap source of fertile
land to insure the success of the colony. All of these
factors were operating by the time Francis Eppes first
arrived in Virginia.

•The Eppes Family before

the
time of Dr. Richard Eppes

We are able to trace the ancestors of Francis Eppes far
back into English History. The surname Eppes is of con-
siderable antiquity. The family originated in Kent County,
England and can be traced back there as far as the year
1272. A Roger Epps is found in English legal papers dating
from that year.

Alen Epes (Epse) , the greatgrandfather of Francis Eppes was
born in Kent County and died there in 1551. He was a mem-
ber of the English gentry class and, while not rich, was com-

12
fortable, economically.

llThe Eppes family name has been spelled several dif-
ferent ways during the history of the family. The common
spelling is Eppes, but Epps, Eps, Epes and Epse are also
known. Francis Eppes and his descendants used the spelling
Eppes. For reasons of clarity the spelling of Eppes is
used throughout this paper.

l 2 Eva Turner Clark, Francis Eppes, His Ancestors and
Descendants , Richard R. Smith, New York^ 1942) pp. 5-7 .
Mrs. Clark's book is currently the best researched and most
detailed account available concerning the Eppes family in
America. The family has employed a researcher, Mr. Prentice
Price, to revise the history of the Eppes family and to cor-
rect the mistakes of the Clark book. This research had not
yet been completed and what material is available has been
circulated to the family and has not been published.

The son of Alen Epes was John Epes who was born in Kent
County about the year 1530.

The son of John Epes was also named John. He was born
about 1560 in Kent County and died on November 19 , 1627/
and was buried at Ashford, England. He married Thomazine
Banks and had a son named Francis Eppes, who was baptized
on May 15, 1597. We know nothing of the early history of
Francis Eppes except that he was one of eight children
and had at least one and possibly two older brothers.

Because Francis Eppes had older brothers/ he had little
chance of inheriting any property from his parents. The
laws of primogeniture and entail gave preference to the
oldest surviving son. The usual fate of younger sons was
to enter the clergy or the army. Francis Eppes chose a
third course and decided to come to America to make his
fame and fortune. The reason for this choice was obvious.
Virginia offered a hope and opportunity that England could
never provide. In Virginia a man could be a landowner and
establish his own line. The risks and hardships of the
voyage were considerable but the lure of cheap land was too

much for Francis Eppes to resist. Still in his early

twenties, Francis Eppes packed his bags and traveled to

13
America with his wife Marie.

He traveled to the colony at Jamestown on the ship Hope-
well whose name he was later to give to his plantation
on the south bank of the James River.

Little is known of the life or history of the family dur-
ing these first years in America. It is not until 1625
that we learn that Francis Eppes was a member of the House
of Burgesses where he represented Charles City County.

John Epes, father of Francis Eppes, died in 1627 and
apparently left his son an inheritance. By the time news
of the death reach America Francis Eppes had risen in
Virginia society and had been appointed to the "Commission
for a monthly Court... in the Upper Parts."

l^The exact date of Francis Eppes arrival in Virginia
is uncertain, but it was probably before 1625 and possibly
as early as 1620 or 1621.

14 Clark, p. 211.

15 Ibid.

Sometime after March 1628, Francis Eppes returned to England
with his family to collect his inheritance and to gather a
company of immigrants to come to Virginia so he could

collect their headrights. He was probably in England as

16
late as September 1630.

One advantage of taking his family back to England was
that they would all be counted as new immigrants on their
return to Virginia. He could thus collect additional
headrights for his immediate family. There is no record
of Francis Eppes in Virginia records from March 1628, when
he was appointed a Commissioner of Justice in "The Upper

Parts," until 1631 when he was appointed a commissioner for

17
the Counties of Charles City and Henrico.

Francis Eppes undoubtly spent the interval in England put-
ting his affairs in order and organizing his expedition of
immigrants. Also, as a person familiar with conditions in

Francis Eppes' first two sons, John and Francis, were

born in Virginia and returned to England with their parents

in 1628. The church of St. Olave, Hart Street, London,

records that on September 8, 1630, Thomas, son of Francis Eps

(Eppes) and his wife Marie, was born. Thomas Epes (Eppes),

in a disposition in Virginia given in 1665, gave his age at

35 years, making it reasonable to assume that he is the

Thomas Epes (Eppes) referred to in the church records.

17 Clark, p. 212

Virginia^ he would have been in demand for consultation by
the Royal Government, which had so recently taken over
direct control of the colony.

Francis Eppes returned to Virginia in 1631, and on August
26, 1635, he obtained 1,700 acres of land by royal patent
in the County of Charles, lying east upon Bayly's Creek,
west upon Cosons (Cawsons) Creek, by the Appomattox River,
and north upon the main river. He received 50 acres for
his personal adventure, and 650 for the transportation of
three sons and thirty servants whose transportation he
paid for. 18

Since the total patent was for 1,7 00 acres and Francis Eppes
had headrights for 7 00 acres, we must ask why did he receive

- LO "Culpeper ' s Report on Virginia in 1683", The Virginia
Magazine of History and Biography, Jan. 1896, 111, No. 3,
p. 281. A complete listing to the headrights is as follows

Head rights: Captain Francis Epes,
Fr. Epes, Thomas Epes, Jon. Long, Jon. Baker,
Thos. Warden, Jon. Joyce. Tho. Foanes, Tho.
Cropp, Richard Stayte, Richard Heautt,
George Addams, Sarah Hickmore, Thos. Patti-
son, Anthony Box, Jonathan Ellison, Barth
Swinborne. Silvester Atkins, Robert Fos-
sett, Ju. Rowland, Ann Turner, George Archer,
Hugh James, Jon. Nowell, Bashaw, Juliana.
Andrea. Magdelina, Sersent, Negar Rich.
Litchfield, Edward Ames, Susan Mills, James
Long.

a thousand extra acres of land? The patent is silent on
this subject and simply states that he was granted 1,700
acres of land for himself, his three sons and thirty
servants. Two possible conclusions are that he brought
over other indentured servants prior to his return to
Virginia in 1631, or that the extra land was a gift from
the crown for services rendered either in London or in
Virginia. He might also have purchased the land from the
money he received from his father's estate. Mrs. Elise
Eppes Cutchins, a direct descendant of Francis Eppes,
stated her belief that the 1,000 acres of land was given to

Francis Eppes as additional headrights for people he brought

19
to America.

Another intriguing question is why did Francis Eppes wait
so long to claim his headrights. He arrived in Virginia
probably fifteen years before he patented his land at City
Point. Certainly, he could have claimed land at that time.
The headright system was initated in 1618 by Sir Edwin
Sandys and was almost certainly in force when Francis Eppes

■^See the transcript of the conversation between Dr.
Harry Butowsky and Mrs. Elise Eppes Cutchins on November 30,
1977, located in the files of the Petersburg National Battle-
field Park, Petersburg, Virginia. Even if this was the case
it would not explain the fact that no additional names are
mentioned in the patent to justify the extra 1,000 acres.

arrived in Virginia. Since there is no record of Francis
Eppes claiming land before 163 5 and his grant in 1635 was
larger by 1,000 acres than it should have been considering
the number of people he brought to America in 1631, we must
assume that he was saving his headrights before 1631, or
saving his money to put in all of his claim at one time.
He was certainly influential in the political life of the
colony, which can be assumed from his membership in the House
of Burgesses.

He was a young man and was probably not ready yet to settle
down and establish a farm. The death of his father in
England in 1627 and his inheritance gave him the opportunity
he needed to translate his limited capital in England into
usable land in Virginia. By paying the passage for thirty
servants, he could claim land in Virginia and the labor
necessary to operate a large farm. Still, even after he
returned to the colony in 1631, he waited four years before
claiming his land. By 1631 he was the father of a growing
family and a man of some importance in Virginia. The
reason for the wait to claim his land is not known and unless
new documentation is found, will probably never be known.
Francis Eppes left no diary of his life, and what we know
about him comes from a few church records, land patent

records, and family tradition. These sources do not clear
away the mystery.

Little is known of the reminder of the life of Francis
Eppes except that he represented Charles City in the House

of Burgesses in January 163 9, and was elected a member of

20
the Council on April 30, 1652.

Francis Eppes died on October 4, 1668 and left three
children, John, Francis and Thomas. John Eppes inherited
his father's lands, and it is not known what inheritance
was left to the two younger sons.

Little is known of the life of John Eppes except that he
was a large landowner and a member of the militia of
Charles City County. John Eppes and his younger brother
Francis were undoubtly involved in the defense of the
Virginia Colony from Indian raids during this period.

In 1679 or 1680, John Eppes died and passed the title to
the family lands to his son John Eppes, who was born in
1648. We know this because John Eppes gave a power of

Culpeper's report, p. 281.

attorney to Elias Osborne to transact any business in

21
Surrey County in connection with his father's estate.

Just as in the case of his father and grandfather, John
Eppes lived the life of a prosperous Virginia landowner.
The rent roll of 1704 shows him the owner of 500 acres
in Charles City County, and of 300 acres in Prince George

County. In 1712/ an additional tract of 400 acres was

surveyed for him on the Butterwood Swamp. John Eppes

also owned the land he had inherited from his father.
Like his father and grandfather he was active in public

affairs and was sheriff of Charles City County in 17 07

23
and a justice in 1714. John and his wife, Mary Eppes

had six sons — John, Nathaniel, Thomas, William, Francis,

and Richard .

John Eppes died in 1722 and divided his land between his
sons, John, Nathaniel and Thomas and gave the remaining
portion of his estate to his wife and his six children,
(which included John, Nathaniel and Thomas) . Some time

21 Clark, p. 214

22 Ibid . , p. 219

23
"ibid.

earlier he had also given land to his brothers, Francis and
Daniel.

Mary Eppes, upon her death, gave her land to her sons,
William and Francis Eppes. The Eppes family lands were
thus split up among the six sons and two brothers of John
Eppes. Following the chain of title to the property at
City Point at this point becomes difficult. According to

family tradition, the title to the land at City Point

25
passed from John Eppes to his fourth son William Eppes.

William Eppes married Sarah Walpole, the daughter of
Carson Walpole. We know nothing else about him except
that he had four children, Francis, William, Mary and
Sarah Eppes. He died in 1737.

According to family tradition, William Eppes divided his

lands among his children. Mary Eppes, who married a Mr.

2 6
Custis, received the City Point lands , while Francis

William and Sarah received other property. '

24 Ibid., p. 219

Cutchins Transcript, p. 2

°Cutchms Transcript, p. 2

^'Francis Eppes made his home at a plantation of 356
acres on Bland's Swamp, Prince George County, not far from
Bailey's Creek and "High Peak." This location would place
him very close to the property left to his sister Mary.

Mary Eppes Custis died in childbirth and was followed soon
afterward by her infant daughter. The title to the City
Point property then passed to her uncle, Richard Eppes,
the great-grandson of Francis Eppes. Richard Eppes became
known as the Richard Eppes of Shirley Hundred Island and
City Point.

Richard Eppes married Mary Cocke, daughter of Richard Cocke
This union produced two children — Elizabeth and Richard.
Richard Eppes, the son of Richard Eppes and Mary Cocke
Eppes, inherited the City Point lands from his father and

built the present Eppes family home, Appomattox Manor,

28
there in 1763.

There is some confusion in the sources concerning

the identity of Richard Eppes. Prentice Price, the gene-
alogist of the Eppes family, and Mrs. Elise Eppes Cutchins
believe he was the son of John Eppes who lived on Shirley
Hundred Island and who died in 1722. This would make him
the great-great grandson of Francis Eppes. Eva Turner
Clark claims that he was the son of Francis Eppes the
brother of Richard Eppes. This would also make him a
great-great grandson of Francis Eppes. The confusion seems
to be whether he was descended from Richard Eppes, the fifth
son of John Eppes and Mary Poythress Eppes, or from Francis
Eppes, the fourth son of the same couple. Both brothers,
Francis and Richard, had sons whcm they named Richard. In
any case, it is certain according to Mrs. Clark and Mr.
Cutchins that Richard Eppes owned the land at City Point
and built "Appomattox Manor" there in 1763.

Richard Eppes and his wife Christian Robertson lived
quietly on their property at City Point in the years
immediately prior to the American Revolution. They were
married in 1770, only a few years after Richard Eppes tore
down the old family home at City Point and built the
present home, which is now known as Appomattox Manor.

According to family tradition the home replaced a previously
existing home that stood on the same site. Independent
evidence would seem to support this belief because the age
and structure of the out-kitchen appears to pre-date the
construction of the house. The kitchen was most likely
built to serve the pre-existing structure. Also, according
to the terms of the headright in 1635, Francis Eppes had to
put a crop in within three years and erect a home on the
land or he would lose title. Although we have no definite
knowledge of the previous home of the Eppes family at
City Point, we can assume that it occupied the same site as
Appomattox Manor and it dated from the time of Francis
Eppes. Family tradition supports this view. Our. knowledge
of this must remain uncertain because we have no documentation
concerning the original home. In all probability, no such
documentation has survived the passage of years, and we must
rely on family tradition for information in this area.

FIGURE

&£*£& kitchen soitor**$

-££r^ ^;Vf*W FROM MQa?MW£$T' - 5SS1SB

Kitchen Building at Appomattox Manor, view
from northwest .

SOURCE: Photographic file of Henry Magaziner , Historical
Mid-Atlantic Region, National Park Service , Phila . , Pa.

FIGURE 6

Kitchen Building at Appomattox Manor, view from
southwest .

SOURCE: Magaziner Photo File.

CHIMNEY p
NOftTW WALL
OF KITCHEM

FIGURE

Chimney on North Wall of Kitchen
Building at Appomattox Manor
'RCE: Magaziner Photo Fil

SOURCE:

WALL OP Kjtrwyii ~- -i

FIGURE 8

Chimney and South Wall of Kitchen Building
SOURCE: Magaziner Photo File

CHl!v\NEY (»
WCRTW WALL
CF CWIMNEY

WTCHEN
SuiLCtNlG

FIGURE 9

Chimney located on North Wall of

Kitchen Building
SOURCE: Magaziner Photo File.

FIGURE 10

East Side of Kitchen Buildiw
SOURCE: Magaziner Photo File.

The exact date of construction of Appomattox Manor is under
dispute. The secondary sources have variously assigned the
dates 1751, 1752, 1763 and 1768 to the construction of the
home. The best evidence we have for the actual construction
date is a brick which is located in the west chimney in the
center house at Appomattox Manor. The Brick is inscribed
R.E. 1763 and probably stands for Richard Eppes and the
date of actual construction of the house.

-*^s£ S ij£^r>r<£:

^-i-*5?^*~

FIGURE: 11

Inscribed brick R.E. 1763 located on West
Chimney of Center House of Appomattox Mano

SOURCE: Magaziner Photo File.

r .

Richard Eppes built a five room house in 1763. On the first
floor were two large rooms — one dining room and another room
that was used as a possible bedroom. On the second floor

.1 -'

rcrx^2

Z3"t

"XT

1«l

fci

1 I : T" w^-\ W-J&zZ

I. -s i. ~.->-J

7t7RE 12

Appomattox Manor First Floor Plan

7RCE: Eppes Family Files, Virginia Historical Society,
Richmond , Virginia .

LP
IV

were two large bedrooms and one small bedroom. Richard
Eppes had eight children — Richard, Archibald, Thomas,
Robertson, Elizabeth, Christian, Mary and William. With

ten people living at Appomattox, as the home came to be

29
called, conditions were soon crowded. There is no

evidence that Richard Eppes ever added to the home or

changed it in any way after its construction.

Perhaps the reason for this was due to the uncertainty of
life in Prince George County as a result of the Revolution-
ary War. Richard Eppes never served in the army, nor did any
of his sons. By 1776 he was forty-one years of age and too
old for active service. His children were too young for
service. Richard Eppes spent the duration of the war on
his estates at City Point.

The struggle for independence did have its impact on Richard
Eppes' home late in the war. Prince George County received
its baptism of fire on January 4, 1781 when a British fleet
entered the James River and started moving upstream toward

2^The home of Richard Eppes was called Appomattox until
1930, when the post office asked that the home be called
Appomattox Manor to avoid confusion with Appomattox Court
House. Since the name Appomattox Manor has come to be
associated with the home, I have used this name in referring
to the home even during this early period.

Appomattox Manor. This action was taken by the British
in an effort to capitalize on previous British victories
in Georgia and the Carolinas. By using their superior
naval power, the British were moving up the coast taking
strong points along the way. The British hoped to detach
the southern colonies from the war effort by these actions.
In command of the British invaders was General Benedict
Arnold. Arnold's fleet advanced to Westover where it
anchored and Arnold himself advanced in person with an
army to Richmond, where Thomas Jefferson the governor
decided to evacuate the capital.

During Arnold's absence several British ships advanced up
the Appomattox River, where they destroyed numerous tobacco-
laden vessels and other American property. Only the
arrival of two companies of Colonel John Banister's
militia forced the British to retreat. As- the British
ships sailed down the river they received fire from
American guns situated on the bank of the river at City
Point. When the British returned the fire one of the shells
struck Appomattox Manor and the house was set on fire.
Only the efforts of faithful slaves saved the home from
destruction.

FIGURE 13

Matthew Brady Photograph of Appomattox Manor
taken in 1865 from the northeast side of the
house .
SOURCE: Petersburg National Battlefield , Peters-
burg, Virginia . File 811, Historic
Building File.

According to family tradition the nick in the west chimney
was made by a British cannon ball fired at this time. In
the accompanying Brady photo of Appomattox Manor taken
in 1865, the nick is easily seen. It is possible that,
since the house was fired on during both the Revolutionary
and Civil Wars, the nick in the chimney was taken out dur-
ing the latter conflict. Family tradition is very clear
on the subject and stated that the nick was the result of

the British cannon ball

Cutchins Transcript, p. 2; also in Lutz,pp. 88-89

The British later returned to City Point on April 24,
1781 and landed troops and marched on Petersburg. The
British were commanded by General William Phillips with

Benedict Arnold as second in command. The British occupied
Petersburg the following day after a stiff encounter with

colonial militia under the command of General Peter

Muhlenburg. Some of the fighting occurred over the

ground that would see bloody action 8 3 years later in the

Civil War. On May 10 , General Lafayette placed his

artillery on the opposite side of the Appomattox River

and shelled the British in Petersburg. Three days later,

General Phillips, ill with fever, died and was buried in

Blanford cemetery. Lord Cornwallis, moving up from North

Carolina, joined his forces with those of Arnold at

Petersburg on May 20, 1781, and four days later moved

eastward in the direction of Yorktown, where he surrendered

31 -
and ended the war on October 19, 1781.

There is no evidence that any famous leader of the Revolu-
tionary War ever visited Richard Eppes at Appomattox Manor.
While he was an important landowner in Virginia and a member

Lee A. Wallace, Jr. A History of Petersburg National

Military Park f Virginia (unpublished document, 1951) pp. 3-4.

of one of the oldest families of the state, Richard Eppes
lived the quiet life of the gentleman farmer. He was
interested in his estate and devoted himself to the task
of operating the family plantation. He took little
interest in public life and only served on the committee
of public safety when danger threatened his home. Richard
Eppes had no interest in politics and did not care to run
for office. Richard Eppes passed on the title to the City
Point lands and Appomattox Manor to his son Archibald
Eppes. Richard Eppes had five sons but only Archibald
Eppes survived childhood.

After the death of Archibald Eppes, title to the property
passed to Mary Eppes, the youngest daughter of Richard
Eppes and Christian Robertson Eppes. On January 21, 1821,
Mary Eppes married Benjamin Cocke, a prominent local
businessman from City Point. This changed- the family name
from Eppes to Cocke. The house and land was still in the
possession of Mary Eppes but since descent was now passed
through a female line the family name was changed from
Eppes to Cocke.

Benjamin Cocke was a very important businessman at City

Point. He was active in local affairs and was one of the

32
founders of the City Point Railroad. Of the many children

of this marriage only Richard Eppes Cocke survived infancy.

Benjamin Cocke was a poor manager and he died in debt.
Mary Eppes Cocke had taken no part in the operation of the
family farm and was shocked to learn of the family's
shaky financial condition. She had been relatively well
off at the time of her marriage to Benjamin Cocke and had
never expected to be left in debt. The apparent problem
was the mismanagement of the family farm. Benjamin Cocke
had taken little interest in the farm and it had deteriorated
as a result.

Mary Eppes Cocke took the matter into her own hands and
through the sale of some of the family's slaves was able
to salvage the family fortune. Under her guidance the farm
was soon again returned to a paying basis.

The cost was high. Many of the slaves sold off had been
on the Eppes plantation for many years. Richard Eppes
Cocke had his mammy sold off the farm and he swore that he

32 Lutz, p. 122

would find her and bring her back. Years later he did find
her in Alabama but she died before he could return her to
Virginia.

Family tensions increased as a result of the money problems
and Mary Eppes Cocke encouraged her son Richard Eppes Cocke
to have his name legally changed to Richard Eppes. He did
this in 1840, thus reestablishing the Eppes name with the
City Point lands. When Richard Eppes inherited the house
and lands from his mother in 184 4 the family name was once
again Eppes.

Chain of Title for City Point Lands

and
Appomattox Manor

1. Francis Eppes

2 . John Eppes

3 . John Eppes

4 . William Eppes

5. Mary Eppes Custis

6. Richard Eppes

7 . Richard Eppes

8 . Mary Eppes Cocke

9. Richard Eppes Cocke

(Richard Cocke Eppes in 1840)

10. Richard Eppes

11. Richard Eppes

12. Richard Eppes

1668

1679

(son)

1722

(son)

1737

(son)

•?

(daughter)

1768

(uncle)

1792

(son)

1844

(daughter)

1896

(son)

1922

(son)

1972?

(son)

Dr. Richard Eppes before the Civil War

Dr. Richard Eppes owned and lived on his lands at City Point
in the years immediately prior to the Civil War. Dr. Eppes
kept a daily journal of expenses and information concerning
his farming operations during these years. He also recorded
his private thoughts in his journal. This record is still

in existence and provides a detail look at the operation of

the farm and information concerning the Eppes family.

Dr. Eppes was born on May 2, 1824 and was the son of
Benjamin Cocke and Mary Eppes Cocke. After the death of
his father, Richard Eppes Cocke petitioned the court in
1840 to have his name legally changed from Cocke to Eppes.
He did this at his mother's urging to preserve the Eppes
name and its association with the City Point property.
Mrs. Cocke was distressed with her late husband for his
mismanagement of the family lands and thus- felt little
incentive to have her son keep the Cocke name.

Mrs . Cocke had great ambitions for her son and it was due

to her influence that he traveled to Philadelphia to enroll in

Dr. Eppes' journal and other family papers (receipts,

private letters, pictures) are now located at the Virginia

Historical Society.

the school of medicine at the University of Pennsylvania.
Richard Eppes graduated as a doctor and returned home.
After the death of his mother in 1844, Dr. Eppes assumed
control of the family lands. He never enjoyed the practice
of medicine and, as a result, he settled down to the life of
a gentleman farmer and lived on his land.

Dr. Eppes married twice. His first wife was Josephine
Dullas Horner of Philadelphia who died on February 2,
1852 after giving birth to a daughter. This daughter,
named Josephine Horner Eppes, died at the same time. Dr.
Eppes then married Elizabeth Welsh Horner — the younger
sister of Josephine. From this marriage there were nine
children — Josephine, Mary, Elizabeth, Agnes, Richard,
Emily, Christine, Elizabeth and Alfreda.

Because his family was growing in size, Dr. Eppes found it
necessary to enlarge his home. The house had remained
essentially unchange since it was constructed in 1763 by
the grandfather of Dr. Eppes. From that time to 1840 it
remained a five roof structure with two large bedrooms
and one small bedroom upstairs, and a dining room and a
parlor downstairs. The parlor was used as an additional
bedroom when conditions became too crowded.

Mary Eppes Cocke started the process of enlarging the
house in 184 when she added the East Wing to the struc-
ture. This wing consisted of a central hall, with a
library to the left of the front door, and a sitting room

to the right. The second floor contained two medium size

34
bedrooms and one small bedroom. Sometime between 184

and 1850 the porch on the north side of the house was

enclosed and used as an inside lavatory.

Immediately before his first marriage, Dr. Eppes' future
in-laws visited Appomattox Manor to inspect the home of
the daughter. The Philadelphia Homers lived in very
comfortable circumstances and believed that some improvements
were required before their daughter could be confortable.
They were especially concerned over the lack of adequate
closet space.

To remedy this situation Dr. Eppes built a large storeroom
on the west side of the house for sugar, china, linen and

34 This and all subsequent descriptions of the construc-
tion history of Appomattox Manor were told to the writer
by Mrs. Elise Eppes Cutchins, the granddaughter of Dr. Eppes,
during an interview at her home in Franklin, Virginia on
November 30, 1977. The transcript of this conversation can
be found in the files of the Petersburg National Battlefield
Park.

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other storage. Another bedroom was added to the second
floor above this west section. Some time after this
construction was completed another room was added to the
west section of the house to contain the large metal bath-
tub Dr. Eppes purchased. The date of this addition is not
known .

After the death of Dr. Eppes in 1896, two subsequent addi-
tions were made to the house. Due to the age and disrepair
of the outside kitchen and the problem of obtaining ade-
quate help, this building was abandoned and an inside
kitchen was added to the west side of the building. A
bedroom was added above the kitchen. This was done about
1912. In 1977 this kitchen was being used by Mrs.
Lawrence as her sitting room. In 1916 the porch on the
north side of the house was enclosed and used as an inside
corridor. In 1977 this area was used by Mrs.
Schoup as her kitchen.

Dr. Eppes spent the years between his marriage and the out-
break of the Civil War on his family estates. He did not
practice medicine at any time but devoted himself to over-
seeing the operation of his farm.

The following map depicts the grounds around Appomattox
Manor in the year 1856. The original colonial gardens
were still in existence in that year and stood to the
left of the driveway just south of the home. Very little
is known of this garden since it was completely destroyed
during the Civil War. Dr. Eppes was interested in the
gardens, and when he returned from a trip to Europe and
the Holy Land in 1845, he brought back with him the seeds
and cuttings of many exotic plants for use on the grounds
around his home. Included in this planting were a great
variety of trees and shrubs including Acacias, Locusts,

Willows, Magnolias (most likely from England), Elms,

35
Copper Beech, Spruce, Lindens, Oaks and Muillo Cherries.

After the Civil War Dr. Eppes planted an entirely new
garden located on the east side of the house to replace
the destroyed colonial gardens. Included in this garden
are fruit trees, flowers, vegetables, roses and perennials.

For the next few years, until the outbreak of the war, Dr.
Eppes lived on his land and devoted himself to his farm and
his family. He was a capable administrator and his farm

35 ...

Edith Tunis Sale, ed. , Historic Gardens of Virginia

(James River Garden Club, Richmond, 1930) pp. 35-36.
36 Ibid.

prospered. According to his journals, Dr. Eppes owned
127 slaves at the outbreak of the Civil War, and was a man
of considerable wealth.

FIGURE 14

Photograph of 1856 map of Appomattox
Manor and surrounding lands. ..
SOURCE: Eppes Family File, Virginia

Historical Society , Richmond ,
Virginia .

Mssl

EP734

b47

*<-d ' Osrz&.'n /'face "at*

f J" :- •-• - ■"

■'■v. ■■ -■.■/' : - ' *•

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7i?£ 2 5

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;i .

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i _

Jetailed view of Appomattox Manor from the 1865 map of the
property .

ICE: Eppes Family Files, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond ,
Virginia .

The Civil War

Dr. Eppes was not interested in national affairs in the
years immediately prior to the Civil War. He either kept
his opinions to himself or confided only to his close
friends. Dr. Eppes favored the preservation of the union
providing that southern rights could be protected.

He supported this position when he cast his vote for John C
Breckinridge of Kentucky for President in the election of
1860. Breckinridge was the candidate of the Southern Wing
of the split Democratic Party and enjoyed widespread
support in Virginia. On Saturday, November 10, 1860, Dr.
Eppes noted the election of Abraham Lincoln in his journal
and called him the "Black Republican. 1

On Sunday, November 11, Dr. Eppes received a vist from his
neighbor, Mr. James Proctor, who was an avid secessionist.
Both men discussed the issues of the day in a frank and
friendly manner. Eppes stated his position clearly when
he told Proctor that he voted for Breckinridge because he
believed in the equality of the states and the protection
of slave property. He was opposed to disunion before the

37 ,

Richard Eppes Journal, Virginia Historical Society,

Section 46, 1859-1862, p. 250.

new Republican Administration had committed any overt act
against the South. He believed that the South, having
participated in the election of I860, was honor bound to
abide by the result. Personally, he was opposed to secession

but should Virginia leave the Union, he would support his

38
native state. Richard Eppes was a reluctant rebel.

For the next several weeks, while talk of secession and
possible war rocked the country, Richard Eppes'- journal is
silent on the subject of politics.

Events in the country were now moving rapidly as a result
of Lincoln's election. South Carolina passed an ordinance
of secession on December 20 and by February 4, 1861, six
other states of the lower south-Mississippi, Florida,
Alabama, Georgia, Louisana and Texas — had left the Union
and organized the Confederate States of America with
Jefferson Davis as President. On that same day an election
was held in Virginia for a convention to meet in Richmond
to decide the future course of the state. Prince George
County elected two men — Edmund Ruff in, and avid secessionist,
who was well known for his extreme views, and Timothy Rives,
who was just as extreme in his support of the Union.

38 Ibid., p. 251

Richard Eppes felt that neither man represented his views
at the convention. He was a man of moderate views and
preferred the old Union to the new Confederacy if southern
rights could be protected. He also felt that any decision
taken by the convention must be referred back to the

people for final review. He cast his vote for this point

39
of view.

Richard Eppes traveled to Richmond on February 11 and took
advantage of the visit to meet some of the delegates to
the convention. Many of the members of the convention had
no idea as to what would be the outcome of their delibera-
tions. Only a minority of 40 members of a total of 152 were
in favor of immediate secession. Most of the delegates

told Richard Eppes that they believed it would be many

. . 40
months before they reached a decision.

Dr. Eppes returned home after his visit to- Richmond to
wait out the course of events. Once home he found that he
could not remain uninvolved. During the previous year he
served as a private in Company "L" of the 3rd Virginia
cavalry. As the possibility of war increased he found more

39 Ibid . , p. 275
40 Ibid., p. 279

and more of his time taken up with military activity.
Since many members of the company knew he was a wealthy

man, they prevailed upon him to supply them with the neces-

41
sary equipment. He did this many times and was never

paid back for these expenses by. the Confederate government.

The issue of war or peace now came into focus in the harbor
of Charleston, South Carolina. Practically all the federal
forts and other property in the lower South had been
taken over by the seceding states before Lincoln's
inauguration. Of the few posts remaining in federal hands,
the unfinished and ligtly garrisoned Fort Sumter, located
in the entrance to Charleston's harbor, had become the
symbolic flash point between North and South. Sumter
had sufficient supplies to hold out for six weeks, and a
decision concerning its future could not long be postponed.
When Lincoln informed the authorities in South Carolina
that he was sending a ship to resupply the fort, they, in turn
ordered their general in Charleston to demand the fort ' s

immediate evacuation and in case of refusal, to bombard it.
The demand was made and refused and on April 12, the

Richard Eppes, Letter to Governor J. H. Pierpont of

Virginia, Virginia Historical Society, June 2, 1865.

Confederate shore batteries opened fire f and the Civil
War began.

Richard Eppes heard the news of the surrender of Fort
Sumter a few day later and signed a petition circulated by

his neighbor, Mr. James Proctor, which demanded that Mr.

42
Timothy Rives vote for the ordinance of secession.

Even at this late date Dr. Eppes still stated that he
would prefer the old Union to the new Confederacy, provid-
ing that southern rights could be preserved. Thinking of
the terrible war that might come, he recorded the following
passage: "God grant this war not be of long duration or
dreadful in its effects but to preserve our liberty we
must be prepared to endure trials and afflictions and one

of the greatest is our separation from our numerous

43
friends and relatives in Philadelphia."

For the next several days, after the surrender of Fort
Sumter, Dr. Eppes followed political events closely. When
Governor John Letcher of Virginia refused to send troops
to the federal government to suppress the rebellion,
Richard Eppes wrote," Noble old John Letcher, you have

Eppes Journal, p. 302
4 3 Ibid , p. 302

done your duty, God Speed our righteous cause." 44

Starting on April 20, Richard Eppes began attending regular
meetings of his cavalry unit. Since his wife was pregnant
at the time, he hoped he could remain home until the birth
of his child. This was not to be the case and on May 20,
he started out to join his unit. A few days later he
found the unit and was mustered into the service of the
Confederate Army as a private. 45

Years later, in a letter to Governor Francis Pierpont of
Virginia, Dr. Eppes explained his motives for joining
the Confederate Army. Although he had not favored
secession, he felt honor bound to support Virginia and
stay with his cavalry unit. He had drilled with them

before the war and now that war was a reality he felt he

46
could not honorably resign.

It is interesting to note at this point the obvious
dislike Dr. Eppes showed for his medical training. When
the war came doctors and surgeons were in great demand by

44 Ibid, p. 305.

Ibid. , p. 315.

4 "Pierpont Letter, p. 2.

the military and he could easily have obtained a commission
as a doctor with the Confederate Army. Instead, he chose
to serve his country as a private in the cavalry in spite
of his well known dislike of horseback riding.

In addition to serving in the army himself, Richard Eppes
provided additional equipment to members of his unit at
his own personal expense. He supplied his relatives as
well as his friends. In all, he paid for the equipment
of sixteen men.

Just a few days before Dr. Eppes departure for his unit, the
Confederate Army arrived at City Point. On May 3, Captain
H. H. Cocke was given command of the James River and he
sent a company of men to City Point under the command
of a Captain Archer to prepare a defense of the region in
view of the projected Northern attack. Dr. Eppes secured
quarters for the troops with Mr. Moody, the Agent of the
LL Railroad (Lynchburg?) at the new depot. On May 9,
Dr. Eppes sent a gang of slaves to JFort Powhaten to help

4 R

with the construction of fortifications. °

47 Ibid ., p. 3 07.
48 Ibid., pp. 312-313.

Very little is known about the movements of Richard Eppes
for the next several months. He was on active duty and
away from home and was not able to keep up his journal.
No letters written to his family during these months have
been found, and it is possible that they were never written.

On September 2, Dr. Eppes returned home to attend his wife
during her confinement. Most of the entry on that date
details briefly the movements of his unit up to that
time. After the birth of his daughter, Agnes Horner Eppes,
On September 8, he returned to the army.

A few months after the birth of his daughter the peace of
City Point was disturbed by the Civil War. In the Spring
of 1862, the Union Army took over the whole Norfolk area
and the James river was left exposed. In May, a flotilla
of Union ironclads and gunboats moved up -the James river
towards Richmond. Along the way they fired a few shells

at City Point and Appomattox Manor. •.

By May 9, Mrs. Eppes and her children were forced to flee
their home for Petersburg for safety. The raid proved to

4 *Lutz, p. 173.

be transitory in nature but by mid-summer a more serious
threat materalized when General George B. McClellen
occupied City Point while advancing up the Peninsula
formed by the James and York Rivers. The Petersburg Daily
Express described the scene in the following words.

The River is filled with vessels of
every size and description, whose masts
are seen as numerous as trees in a forest
doted here and there with the black smoke
pipes of steamers and steamships. The
shore for miles is thickly covered with
tents which present a grand and attractive
spectacle. Numerous baloons may constantly
be seen over this vast encampment, which but
adds to the interest of the scene. The
music from the bands and the beating of
the drums can be distinctly heard on this
side of the river. Altogether it is a scene
which once witnessed can never be forgotten .50

When the Union army withdrew from the City Point area in the

summer of 1862, the returning citizens found that their

losses were enormous. Damaged fields and homes, stolen

horses and cattle and runaway slaves were common. Edmund

Ruff in, a leading secessionist, became so unpopular with

his neighbors in Prince George County that several of them

threatened to hang him should he ever return to the area.

50 Ibid., p. 167.

On August 27, during the retreat of the Union Army, three
barges of union soldiers landed at City Point to harass
the area. Confederate pickets fired on the troops and
forced them back. The gunboats in the river shelled City
Point for thirty minutes before withdrawing from the area.

In May 1863 Dr. Eppes was finally able to make an account-
ing of the damage done to his land and property. He found
that all but twelve of his slaves (from a pre-war total of
127) had disappeared. None of these slaves ever returned
to the property. What damage, if any, that was done to the
mansion is not known.

Richard Eppes ' career as a private in the cavalry lasted
just over one year. On June 13, 1862, he received his
discharge from the Confederate Army and furnished a substi-
tute for the remaining part of his term of service. There
is a second discharge for Dr. Eppes that was issued on
September 10. Apparently sometime after his original
discharge he was drafted into the army again. It is also
possible that the man he furnished to take his place for
his original discharge was not satisfactory and he had to

51 Ibid. , p. 167.

furnish another substitute. Dr. Eppes was enlisted in the
army and discharged on the same day — September 10. Accord-
ing to family tradition Dr. Eppes was forced to leave the
army due to reasons of poor health.

SOLDIER'S DISCHARGE.

to j^XjXj "whom: it ?*<z^~sr CONCERN

Jte/&c4£..Z&L,. $^

(

Snow Ye, That .Ay^^I^cAA...Z/(A^ 1 - a _^^r_«^

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ouo thousand eight hundred and ..J^1j^...^^x^/. » to serve ..y^../??*-*?^**^?^.^. is hereby

iionokably discharged from the Array of the Confederate States^- A^ A,**^n^q fets&^t^J ' fLcJ> J

& cCcJi^JuZZs £U /# '^Jjy, A*^U<s SrdU^t f^Lsnc t&l <Lc <^ ?6*^r*

Said ^!^C^.../LL/^^.....^>^uc^t^ was born in .__t&cut*7*S. . . /<Cf*r>rj ts . ^j^w^

in the State of ^V^t. ^ /^^^l^./ , is 3..A:. years of age, «i feet

_y££r- inches high, tCmsrC/ complexion, ^ 6-£cc^ s eyes, <£.&ir.$<f>i/. hair*,

and by occupation when enlisted, a ^&2.l&2t&xzZ.

Given at Cct^x^y S' - S&*-. £^ ; ^*^ ' this / 3. — ■ \. day of ^jZ.<^*<-t/ r ... ^

z 9 * ■^L/b-j*-*^'- ■ -----'" .

^•fAye** **T?

FIGURE 16

Discharge of Dr. Richard Eppes from the Confederate Army on _^
June 13, 1862. **~~ K
SOURCE: Eppes Family Files, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond'
Virginia . Mssl, EP , 7_34a, 65-66

ijilfer's lisrtorp.ia

T®%al! w&«rflt lay Ctancwit

'^bfl

' Company,

who was enlisted the
thousand ei^ht hundred and
cby

a / / of

Regiment

day

HONORABLY

discharged JVom the.Arm^rofJhe

AfyUf^ <^cr)^//6p^a 1 ^jU

rdLf T<yjto^^JU^3^

was

born in t^CX^^cJL

ic State of /l^HA^-f^ is ^ ^ ^ years of age

/X inches high, ^ku^C comjole^ion, (r^Co^^ eyes,

id by occupation, when enlisted, a

feet,
(A£v^A^ hair

this

lay of

WRE 17

Discharge of Dr. Richard Eppes from the Confederate Army on
September 10, 1862.

TRCE : Eppes Family Files, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond ,
Virginia .

Mssl

734a

Richard Eppes was not to remain inactive for long. He was
a qualified physician and the Confederate Army had great
need for such men. He was again enlisted to serve the
Confederate Army as a contract surgeon. He apparently held
this job as a civilian employee of the army, and never at
any time held a commission from the Confederate army, although
he certainly could have obtained one had he so desired. Dr.
Eppes was assigned to Petersburg, and remained there for
the duration of the war.

When the Union army returned to City Point in 1864, the
Eppes Family fled to Petersburg for safety. They endured
the Siege of Petersburg while living in the city. Dr.
Eppes was in charge of the hospital. Since he never
enjoyed the practice of medicine, he found his service as
a physician during these years to be especially difficult.
The death and suffering of the wounded was constant, and
there was little medicine to help.

While Dr. Eppes was working in Petersburg, U. S. Grant
had headquarters on the grounds of his home at Appomattox
Manor. Grant and his staff lived in tents, and later
cabins erected on Dr. Eppes front lawn. The Army Quarter-
master Corps Telegraph Services occupied the center portion
of the home. The east wing of the house was not usable
due to war damage.

Dr. Eppes did manage to get his wife and children out of
Petersburg in the Fall of 1864. They passed through the »
Union lines and traveled to Philadelphia and lived the
remainder of the war there. While traveling on the river
they saw their home on the high bluff but were not able to
stop. Mrs. Eppes pointed out Appomattox Manor to her
children as the ship passed by, and told them to remember
the house and their home, promising that they would return
after the war. 52

Dr. Eppes remained at Petersburg until the end of the war.
When General Lee evacuated Petersburg in 1865, Dr. Eppes
stayed behind to care for the sick and wounded. Soon
after the Union army took Petersburg, a Union doctor
visited Dr. Eppes and offered him all the medical supplies
he needed. Dr. Eppes gratfully accepted the supplies and
remembered the act of kindness.

As soon as order was restored and the sick and wounded were
cared for, Dr. Eppes took the Amnesty Oath required by
President Lincoln. He turned to his estate in May 1865

Cutchms Transcript, p. 4.

and found it a scene of "perfect desolation; barns, stables,

hay houses, dwellings and fences had, with scarcely an

53
exception, disappeared. " He managed to put in a small

corn crop, but could do no more until he obtained money

for needed repairs and got the Union Army off of his land.

His title to the property was now unclear because of his

former status in the rebellion. He found that he was

included in a class of people exempt from the President's

Amnesty Proclamation. He was too wealthy to qualify since

he was worth more than $20,000 on paper before the war.

Until he could obtain clear title to his land, raise money

and clear himself with the Federal Government, all efforts

54
to repair and rebuild his land must remain paralyzed.

Dr. Eppes traveled to Washington seeking help to obtain
amnesty for himself. He also sent a personal letter to
Governor Pierpont of Virginia on June 24, asking for his

Pierpont Letter, p. 2

54«rhe Reconstruction Plan of President Johnson was based
on Lincoln's policies. This plan offered an amnesty to all
formerly in rebellion, with the exception of certain pro-
minent former Confederates in the army and the government.
The plan also excluded Confederates who owned more than
$20,000 worth of property.

intervention in this case. There is no record of any
answer received from these appeals. Dr. Eppes was forced

to spend the remainder of the year pursuing the goals of

55
pardon and clear title to his land.

Richard Eppes started his journal again on September 1,

1865; in his first entry he described the condition of his

lands.

On the Hopewell farm adjoining City
Point I can better describe it by saying
it was desolation personfied, a perfect
waste, not a house, fence, timber tree or
scarcely tree of any kind standing, every-
thing destroyed more than 500 acres of
woodland cout down and totally destroyed
300 of it magnificant timbered land.
Along with the buildings all the farming
implements cattle hogs and mules and
horses, absolutely nothing saved from the
wreak. In addition to everything belong-
ing to the farm much of my household
furniture that was stored there was
destroyed. At City Point I found a good
many temporary buildings and wharves
erected on my property, all my old build-
ings standing and my own dwelling house
repaired which had been nearly destroyed
during the McClellan Campaign. The
grounds around my dwelling house were
filled with many little huts having been
the Headquarters of General Grant during
the campaign around Petersburg, all of

See Appendix 1 for copy of Richard Eppes' letter to

Governor Pierpont of Virginia.

shrubbery fruit trees and garden had been
nearly destroyed and that along the river
banks also much injured though most of
the large shade ornamental trees were
still standing. 56

During the summer of 1865, Dr. Eppes visited his wife in
Philadelphia and was able to borrow several thousand
dollars from her family. With the money he could fix
his home and restore his farm. On his return to Virginia,
he purchased some surplus mules and horses at Richmond/
and hired his cousin, Mr. H. L. Cocke to take charge of
his Bermuda Farm. There were rumors that the Freedman's
Bureau was going to occupy his land at the Bermuda Farm,
and he was most anxious to take possession and start
working his land again.

On October 3, 1865,116 received a letter from the Assistant

Commissioner for the State of Virginia, restoring to him

57
his land at City Point.

Richard Eppes was still uneasy because he could not evict
the many people who were living on his property, (these

Eppes Journal 1865-1867, p. 2.

"see Appendix II for letter from Assistant Commissioner,
State of Virginia.

people were living in the cabins on the grounds), and also
within his house. He also could not touch or remove the
cabins, wharves and stables that the army had erected.
These buildings were all government property. Dr. Eppes
had to use part of the money he borrowed from his wife's
relatives in Philadelphia to purchase this surplus
government property. Only then could be begin to dismantle
it.

On November 6, 18 65, he wrote a letter to Major General
John Gibbon and asked that this property be evacuated. He
cited personal finances and a need to get his family together
again at his ancestral home as the main reasons for the

return of the property. Only when he had his land returned

58
could he again support himself.

This appeal was rejected by Gibbon because General Grant's
order of May 8, 1865 specified that City Point was reserved
for military purposes. The order was still in force.
Richard Eppes did manage to receive- a record of the people

who were living at his home and the rent they were paying

59
to the government.

See Appendix III for letter to Gibbon.

59 See Appendix IV for copy of letter listing people

living at Appomattox Manor.

Dr. Eppes traveled to Philadelphia in November 18 65 to
visit his wife and to wait for the government to vacate
his house and land.

On December 26, 1865, the Army finally left City Point. The
Eppes property was turned over to Dr. Eppes 1 cousin Mr. H.
L. Cocke, who took charge of it in Dr. Eppes' absence.
When Dr. Eppes heard the good news he immediately returned
to City Point and took possession of his home and set up
his living quarters in the parlor

A quick inspection of his property revealed an active
company of mixed colored and white harlots doing business
just a few feet from Appomattox Manor. This operation
had apparently been tolerated by the pervious occupants of
the property. Dr. Eppes immediately evicted them and
all other tenants from his property.

The "ladies" were not to be so easily driven off. They
returned on December 31, 1865 and shot up Appomattox Manor.
Three of the five persons involved in the attack were

6 "I

reported to the authorities but nothing ever came of it.

60]

Ibid . , p. 26 .

'Eppes Journal, p. 24.
61.

On January 4, 1866, Dr. Eppes came to an understanding with
the government, wherein he agreed to purchase all the
surplus government property on his land. The total cost

for this property was $641.50, for which he received more

than fair value. He considered it to be a very favorable

transaction.

Most of the cabins on the grounds were torn down but a few
were left standing and rented out to negroes who worked as
hired hands for Dr. Eppes.

One cabin was missing from the property. This was General
Grant's cabin, Grant donated his cabin to George H. Stuart,
then President of the Sanitary Commission. Mr . Stuart removed
it to Philadelphia where he set it up in Fairmount park in
August 1865.

Dr. Eppes was still not in sole possession' of his property.
Many soldiers were in the area and they came and went to
City Point at will. The 58th Pennsylvania proved to be an
especially disorderly group, and Dr. Eppes described them
as an armed mob.

62 Ibid.
63 Ibid, p. 29.

At the end of January 18 66 / Dr. Eppes was summoned to
appear before Brevet Brigader General Hill at the head-
quarters of the 11th Maine to answer questions about
government property. Dr. Eppes had already paid for the
government property on his land, but General Hill still
demanded the keys to one of the cabins on his grounds.
In his journal Dr. Eppes stated that "Hill ... .demanded
the key in the most insolent manner and threatened that
if I did not give it up he would turn his soldiers loose

upon my property and let them destroy it at their pleasure
„64

• • • •

Dr. Eppes gave up the key and left for Petersburg, fearing
that he could not control his temper. By February 3, 1866
the 11th Maine and Hill were ordered to leave City Point
and Eppes returned home. On February 11, 1866, Dr. Eppes
received final and clear title to his property from the

6 S

Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands.

On Marh 24, 1866, Dr. Eppes made the* following entry in his

journal.

Today March 24, 1866 will be a day
ever memorable in the Calender of our family:

64 Ibid.

See Appendix V.

It has been marked by a return of the
family of their old home at City Point
after an absence of three years ten
and a half months, having been driven
from home on May 9, 1862 by the approach
of the enemy gunboats up James river
accompaning the advance of the Army of
General McClellan up the Peninsulas and
returned today March 24, 1866. My wife
with George Boiling our former house
servant superintended the move from
Petersburg to City Point. I myself
was a silent spectator at the request
of my wife who preferred to have the
entire management to which I agreed
most cheerfully. 66

Dr. Eppes had to spend about $3,000 to repair Appomattox
Manor. He paid for the repairs by using the money he had
borrowed from his wife's relatives in Philadelphia, and
considered that to be a debt of honor and with this help
he was soon able to return Appomattox Manor and his lands
to a semblance of their former condition.

Eventually, all the cabins on the grounds were removed
except one, which was used as a school house. This too
was eventually removed in 1916 to stem the tide of tour-
ists who wanted to see the cabin and the site of Grant's
headquarters during the siege of Petersburg. The only

Ibid, p. 67.

ew of the Civil War Cabin left standing on grounds of Appomattox
nor taken in 1888. This picture is in error in calling this build-
rants Office." • Grant's cabin was taken down in 1865 and sent to
iladelphia as a present to George H. Stuart, President of the
nitary Commission , who erected it in Fairmount Park in Philadelphia
is cabin probably belonged to Brig. Gen. John R. Rawlins, who served

Grant's Chief of Staff.
e: Eppes Family Photo File, Virginia Historical Society , Richmond
rginia .

visible remains left today of the Civil War occupation of
the grounds and house are a pile of bricks left from one
of the cabin chimneys and cuts in the window sill in the
dining room of Appomattox Manor where Grant ' s telegraph
service wires ran into the house.

Some old Confederate earthworks located on the east side
of the house can also be seen.

Chapter II

U. S. Grant and the Establishment of City Point

After the firing on Fort Sumter a spirit of martial ardor
swept over both North and South. Northerners expected a
short and easy war, while Southerners seemed oblivious to
the overwhelming superiority in human and material
resources against which they would have to contend. The
five and one-half million free people of the eleven Con-
federate states faced a population of twenty-two million
in the twenty-three Union states. The manpower advantage
of the North was enormous.

The North also had other decided advantages. Over 80% of
the factories and most of the coal and iron resources were
located north of the Mason-Dixon line. Twenty-two thousand
miles of railroads traversed the North as compared with
nine thousand in the South. The North's railroad network
included a series of vital trunk lines between East and
West, while the sprawling Southern regions were but circui-
tously and inefficiently bound together.

In view of the advantages enjoyed by the North in the Civil
War, the South made a remarkable showing. This was due, in

part, to the advantage of fighting a defensive war. The
North was compelled to both invade and occupy the South.
Southern generals also had the advantage of shorter
interior lines of communication for shifting troops from
one front to another.

The South also had a decided disadvantage because its
source of supply of war materials was more vulnerable.
There was also the problem of the disruption of daily
life due to the marching of the armies through Southern
territory.

Throughout the war public attention was focused on the
East, where rival armies faced each other from capitals
only 100 miles apart. Here the Confederate armies led
by Joseph E. Johnston, and then by Robert E. Lee, repeatedly
repelled Union invasions aimed at Richmond. General
Irwin McDowell's army was turned back at Bull Run in
Northern Virginia in July 18 61, and General George B.
McClellan was beaten off in the ser-ies of hard fought
battles that constituted the Peninsular Campaign of May-
June 1862. Later that summer, Lee defeated another Union
army led by General Pope in the Second Battle of Bull Run

and followed up this victory, in September with an advance
into Maryland where he was stopped at Antietam by McClellan

Back in Virginia in late 18 62 and the spring and summer of
18 63, Lee defeated Ambrose E. Burnside at Fredericksburg
and Joseph E. Hooker at Chancellorsville. Once again Lee
decided to invade the North and was stopped by Meade at
Gettysburg.

While public attention was focused on the Eastern Theater
of the war, the military doom of the Confederacy was being
accomplished in the West. Here the Mississippi, Tennessee
and Cumberland rivers afforded natural invasion routes for
the combined operations of Union gunboats and armies, and
here an unknown commander, Ulysses S. Grant, steadily and
inexorably moved deeper into the South. Forts Henry and
Donelson, guarding the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers,
fell to Union forces in February 18 62. Moving South,
Grant inflicted a severe blow on the main Confederate
Army in the West at Shiloh in April^ and moved on into
Nothern Mississippi. Meanwhile, Union gunboats moving up
Mississippi, took New Orleans and moving down the river

from the North took Memphis. The last Confederate strong-
hold on the Mississippi, Vicksburg, fell to Grant in July
1863, while General George Gordon Meade was turning back
the Confederate tide at Gettysburg. The Confederacy was
now cut in two, with the Mississippi River being the divid-
ing line.

Strategic, Economic and Political Implications

of the
Civil War to 1864

The American Civil War was the world's first truly modern
war. The conflict accelerated trends in tactics, industry
and political development that had only just been apparent
before the war.

The first development was in the purley mechanical way in
which men fight and kill one another. While Civil War
muskets and rifles looked old-fashioned to the modern
observers they are more closely related to the weapons
of the First World War than to those of the Napoleonic
Wars. During the Napoleonic Wars the range of an infantry-
manfe musket was respectable but after 150 yards the accuracy
was highly doubtful. For this reason, most advanced
military thinkers subscribed to the theories of Antoine
Jomini, a French officer, who served as a staff officer
in Napoleon's army. Jomini considered the cutting of an
opponent's lines of communications by a highly mobile
army as the most desirable way to wage war. In battle,

Jomini advocated that the best way to achieve victory was
by a direct and concentrated strategic approach with the
ultimate dependence on the massed frontal assault. This
tactic had worked well on the battlefields of Europe and
as late as 1859 during the War for Italian Independence,
French troops had assaulted Austrian troops in fortified
positions with success. Jomini ' s writings were held in
great esteem at West Point during the early years of the
nineteenth century. Generation after generation of
future officers studied the Napoleonic Campaigns and
learned from their Jomini.

When the Civil War began these men were in the highest
ranks of both the Union and Confederate armies, but with
a proportionately higher number in the latter. Only after
the slaughter at Fredericksburg, Gettysburg, and finally
at Cold Harbor, did Jomini * s theories give way to those of
another strategist, Dennis Hart Mahan.

Mahan based his strategic tactics on the realities of
modern technology. He preached a tactical system in which

Edward Hagerman, "From Jomini to Dennis Hart Mahan:
The Evolution of Trench Warfare in America," Civil War
History, September 1967, p. 198.

he advocated the primacy of active defense. "The chief
object of entrenchments is to enable the assailed to meet
the enemy with success, by first compelling him to approach
under every disadvantage of position, and then when he

has been cut up, to assume the offensive, and drive him

back at the point of a bayonet."

Mahan still believed it possible to carry out frontal
assault but he thought them wasteful in human lives. A
counter assault on the ranks of a defeated enemy was more
preferable. On the eve of the American Civil War Mahan
could see what was coming when he wrote:

The art of fortification, in it
progress, has kept pace with the measures
of the attack; its successive changes
having been brought about by changes
either in the arms used by the assailant
or by some new mode of assault. The same
cause must continue to produce the same
effects. At no past period has mechanical
invention, in its bearing on the military
art, been more active than at the present
day.... The great destruction of life, in
open assaults, by columns exposed within
so long a range, must give additional value
to entrenched fields of battle; and we may
again see fieldworks play the part they
did in the defense of Sebastopol; and posi-

2 Ibid . , p. 204

tions so chosen and fortified that not
only will the assailant be forced to
entrench himself to assail them, but
will find the varying phases of his
attack met by corresponding changes
in the defensive dispositions.

Gradually as the war progressed, the use of trenches
increased until late in 1864 when Grant and Lee were in
almost totally static positions for months at a time.

This new style of warfare employing large numbers of men
facing each other in battlefield trenches for months at a
time required tremendous amounts of supplies. Again, in
supplying and equipping the armies the Civil War was an
example of the first modern war and a precursor in the
First World War.

The longer the war lasted, the greater were the demands
that the armies placed on the civilian sectors to provide
food and munitions needed to continue the conflict.
Northern industry grew dramatically during the war. Union
sea power maintained trade routes to foreign markets,
while the war stimulated demand for thousands of tons of

3
Mahan, A Summary of the Course of Permanent Forti-
fication and 'the Attack and Defense of Permanent Works ,
(Richmond, 1863), pp. 229-230. The text of this book
suggests that it was written before the war.

war material. In Philadelphia, New York, Boston and
Chicago new factories were built to meet the demands of
wartime production. There seemed to be no end to govern-
ment money for war contracts. Fortunes were made and a
whole new generation of millionaires were spawned by the
conflict. Paper money, a high protective tariff, the
Homestead Act and the National Bank Act, all created a new
prosperity in the North.

Northern agriculture also grew under wartime stimulation.
American food not only kept the Union armies in the field
well fed but also fed Europe. England was even more
dependent on Northern Wheat than on Southern Cotton.
Northern railroads, canals, coastal shipping, and inland
rivers all provided a tight transportation network to
keep troops and supplies on the move. By way of contrast,
even in the best of times, the Confederacy, had trouble
keeping its armies supplied. Railroads deteriorated and
its ports were closed by blockade. Food could be produced

Andrew Carnegie, John D. Rockefeller, Edward Harriman
and J. Pierpont Morgan were all young men in 1861 who got
their start from war production or prosperity induced by
wartime contracts.

but could not be transported to where it was needed.
Lee's invasions of Maryland in 1862 and Pennsylvania in
1863 were prompted in part by the shortage of supplies
for the army in the South.

The Civil War was also a modern war because of its ideo-
logical implication. Prior to the eighteenth century, con-
flicts in Western Civilization were usually fought for
limited ends. A few short battles were usually enough to
decide the question of victory or defeat. Wars were
limited and controlled. The American Revolutionary War
and Civil War demonstrated a new type of conflict — a war
fought for total victory or to achieve some irreducible
end. There could be no compromise with the goals of
American Independence in 1776 or with Confederate Inde-
pendence in 1861. The Southern States wanted absolute
independence while the Northern states wanted absolute
union. The stakes were immense and the total populations
of both North and South were involved. Since the Civil
War was a total war almost any behavior or destruction of
property could be justified. Sherman's march through
Georgia was but a preview to the destruction of civilian
targets in World War II.

By early 18 64, all of these threads had come together in
America. By 1864, both North and South had fought for more
than three years in a war that could offer no compromise.
The use of weapons of vast destruction was well established
and tactics were changing to meet the need of the new
technology. The economic potential of the North was
beginning to tell as Northern industry poured out a cornu-
copia of goods and services.

Militarily and diplomatically the South was isolated. It
was cut off from normal channels of trade and commerce and
split in two. Still, it refused to give up. All of the
elements for a Northern victory were present and the South
still refused to admit defeat.

In order to end the war the North needed a grim determi-
nation to see the job through and the right general. Many
men had tried to cut short the career of Robert E. Lee and
the Army of Northern Virginia but all . had failed. As
Lincoln looked over his commanders in March of 18 64, he
turned to the man from the West who had captured two
southern armies and had proved himself to be unusually
capable. In that same month he chose U. S. Grant to tie

together the loose ends of the war and provide the spark
needed to prod the Union armies on to complete victory.

Appointment of General Grant to Power

and
Beginning of the Siege of Petersburg

By 1864, after three years of bitter civil war, the con-
flict seemed no nearer a resolution than it had been in
1861. While Lee had been turned back at Gettysburg and
the Confederacy cut in two at Vicksburg, the principal
battleground in Virginia remained stalemated. The Army
of Northern Virginia was wounded but still perfectly
capable of defending itself. Its commander, Robert E.
Lee, enjoyed an almost unblemished reputation among the
officers and men of the Army of the Potomac and the
people of both North and South. In his memoirs, Grant
wrote :

His praise, was sounded through-
out the entire North after every action
he was engaged in: the number of his
forces was always lowered and that of
the National forced exaggerated.' He
was a large, austere man, and I judge
difficult of approach to his subordi-
nates. To be extolled by the entire
press of the South after every engage-
ment, and by a portion of the press
North with equal vehemence, was cal-
culated to give him the entire con-
fidence of his troops and to make him
feared by his antagonists. It was not
an uncommon thing for my staff officers
to hear from Eastern officers, "Well,

Grant has never met Bobby Lee yet."
There were good and true officers
who believe now that the Army of
Northern Virginia was superior to
the Army of the Potomac 5

Before Lee could be defeated and the rebellion crushed,

the high command of the Union armies needed to be reorganized

Just as in modern times, during the Civil War, the President
of the United States was Commander-in-Chief of the armed
forces. At the start of the war the army was under the
direct control of the Secretary of War, who served in the
President's cabinet. The army was also under the control
of a General-in-Chief who was subject to the orders of both
the Secretary of War and the President. The General-in-
Chief was assisted by a General Staff which consisted of
various bureaus located in the War Department. In 1861
these bureaus were as follows:

1. Adjutant General

2. Inspector General

3. Quartermaster General"

4 . Surgeon General

5. Judge Advocate

U. S. Grant, Personal Memoirs (Charles L. Webster &
Company, New York, 1886), Vol. II, pp. 291-292.

6. Chief of Ordnance

7. Commissary General

8. Chief of Engineers

9. Chief of Topographical Engineers

(the above two were merged in 1863)

10. Chief Signal Officer

_ 6

11. Provost Marshal General

The problem in the command structure of the Union army in

1861 was that the General-in-Chief was handicapped by the
fact that he had no control over these bureaus and actually
functioned as an advisor to both of the civilian superiors.
In 18 61 this office was held by Brevet Lieutenant General
Scott who was too old and disabled to exert an important
influence. Scott was succeeded in the Fall of 1861 by
Major General George B. McClellan, who was succeeded in July

1862 by Major General Henry Halleck. Halleck did not
assume a field command or take responsibility for the
strategic direction of the armies. He acted as a military
advisor to both Lincoln and Edwin Stanton and in turn saw
to it that their wishes were communicated to the Generals
in the field.

See The Development of the General Staff , (unpublished
document, Petersburg National Battlefield Park) for more
details.

This situation proved to be unsatisfactory. Strong men in
command of various Union armies exerted themselves accord-
ing to individual opinions with the result that the war
effort lacked the necessary coordination. If Lee were to
be defeated this lack of coordination had to end, and a
new strong man with absolute authority appointed to direct
the war effort.

On February 26, 1864, Congress revived the rank of Lieutenant
General, with the understanding that this rank would be given
to General Grant. This grade had originally been created
for General Washington and had thus far been held by no
other officer in the army. Scott's highest rank was
Brevet Lieutenant General.

During the debate in Congress prior to the recreation of
the rank of Lieutenant General/ it was obvious that Congress
had Grant in mind for the job. The representative from
Grant's home town in Galena, Illinois, said:

I am not here to speak for General
Grant. No man with his consent has ever
mentioned his name in connection with any
position. I say what I know to be true
when I allege that every promotion he has

received since he first entered the
Service to put down this rebellion was
moved without his knowledge or consent;
and in regard to this very matter of
lieutenant-general, after the bill was
introduced and his name mentioned in
connection therewith, he wrote me and
admonished me that he had been highly
honored already by the Government, and
did not ask or deserve anything more in
the shape of honors or promotion; and
that a success over the enemy was what
he carved about everything else; that he
only desired to hold such an influence over
those under his command and to use them to
the best advantage to secure that end. 7

The orders assigning Grant to the rank of Lieutenant
General were issued on March 19, 1864. Grant was made
General-in-Chief of all the Union armies and Lincoln gave

him his personal assurance that he was to be allowed to

p
exercise the real functions of the office.

According to his orders, Grant was assigned command of the
Armies of the United States with the Headquarters of the
Army located in Washington and also with Grant in the field

7 William R. Church, Ulysses S. Grant (Garden City
Publishing Co., New York, 1926) pp. 221-222.

^An interesting problem faced by Lincoln and Stanton
was what to do with Halleck r who already occupied the office
of General-in-Chief. Halleck, being a good soldier, pro-
vided the solution himself when he resigned his position
to make way for Grant. Halleck was appointed Chief of
Staff of the army and continued on with his duties in
Washington. He kept his office but changed his title.

General Orders War Department

No. 98 Adjutant General's Office

Washington March 12, 1864

The President of the United States orders as follows

1. Major General H. W. Halleck is, at his own request,
relieved from duty as General-in-Chief of the Army,
and Lieutenant General U. S. Grant is assigned command
of the Armies of the United States. The Headquarters
of the Army will be in Washington, and also with
Lieutenant General Grant in the field.

11. Major General H. W. Halleck is assigned to duty in

Washington, as Chief of Staff of the Army, under the
direction of the Secretary of War and the Lieutenant
General commanding. His orders will be obeyed and
respected accordingly.

By order of the Secretary of War.

E. D. Townsend g

Assistant Adjutant General

9
General Orders 1864, Vol. 1, Washington, 18 65

Although the orders state that the headquarters will be
both in Washington and with General Grant in the field,
the implication is that the civilian control of the army
will be exercised from Washington, as had always been
true, and that actual military control was to be exercised
by General Grant in the field. Since control had previously
been exercised by Halleck from Washington, there would be no
point in reviving the grade of Lieutenant General unless a
drastic change was needed. In fact, Grant was now given
complete military control of the Armies of the United States
and this control remained with him whether he was in the
field or in Washington. After the surrender of Lee at
Appomattox Courthouse, Grant returned to Washington and on
April 13 issued General Order No. 64 establishing Washington
as his headquarters. °

General Orders War Department

No. 64 Adjutant General's Office

Washington, D. C., April

_ / 13, 1865

The Headquarters of the Armies of the United States are
established at Washington, D. C.

By command of Lieutenant General Grant.

W. A. Nichols

Assistant Adjutant General

General Orders 18 65, Washington 1865.

In General Grant's Memoirs, he clearly stated what his
position was and what was expected of him. He was Commander
in Chief of the Union Armies in the field and was charged
with the chief responsibility for ending the War. Grant
first believed that he could remain in the West as com-
manding general but a quick trip to the eastern theater
of the war convinced him otherwise. General Lee and
the main Confederate resistance was in Virginia and Grant
determined to make his headquarters there.

Grant had known General George Gordon Meade, commanding
General of the Army of the Potomac, slightly during the
Mexican War. Grant was a stranger to the other officers
and men of the Army of the Potomac and this made important the
necessity for a relationship with Meade of complete trust.
Meade offered to resign his command, or to allow himself to
to be replaced to please Grant. Grant was impressed with
Meade's sincerity and assured him of his faith and confi-
dence. Writing in his memoirs years later, Grant said of
Meade's offer:

11 Grant f Memoirs, vol. 11, p. 116.

This incident gave me even a more
favorable opinion of Meade than did his
great victory at Gettysburg the July
before. It is men who wait to be
selected, and not those who seek, from
whom we may always expect the most
efficient service. 2

While Meade's relationship with Grant proved to be a cordial
one and the two men worked well together, there were awkward
times for both men. Commenting on this relationship with
Meade, Grant said:

Meade's position afterwards proved
embarrassing to me if not to him. He was
commanding an army and, for nearly a year
previous to my taking command of all the
armies, was in supreme command of the
Army of the Potomac — except from the
authorities at Washington. All other
general officers occupying similar
positions were independent in their com-
mands. I tried to make General Mead's
position as nearly as possible what it
would have been if I had been in Washing-
ton or any other place away from his
command. I therefore gave all orders for
the movements of the Army of the. Potomac
to Meade to have them executed. To avoid
the necessity of having to give orders
direct, I established my headquarters near
his, unless there were reasons for locating
them elsewhere. This sometimes happened,
and I had on occasions to give orders
direct to troops affected "

12 Ibid., p. 117.
13 Ibid., pp. 117-118.

Meade confirms this relationship with Grant in a letter
written on May 19, 1864, in which he states:

Coppeein his Army Magazine says, "The
Army of the Potomac, directed by Grant,
commanded by Meade, and led by Hancock,
Sedgwick and Warren," which is quite a
good distinction, and about hits the
nail on the head.l^

Meade was still in command of the Army of the Potomac, but
Grant was the man who gave him his orders.

Grant lost no time in formulating his plans for the spring
offensive. In a confidential letter to Sherman on April 1,
18 64, he outlined his plan and showed his authority.

WASHINGTON, D. C. , April 4, 18 64.
It is my design, if the enemy keep
quite and allow me to take the initiative
in the spring campaign, to work all parts
of the army together, and somewhat towards
a common center ... I have sent orders to
Banks.... to finish up his present
expedition against Shreveport with all
dispatch: to turn over the defense of Red
River to Genl. Steele and the navy...; to
abandon all of Texas, except the Rio
Grande, and to hold that "with not to exceed
four thousand men; to reduce the number
necessary to hold it, and to collect from
from his command not less than 25,000 men.

Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade (Charles
Scribner's Sons, New York, 1913), vol. 11, pp. 197-198.

To this I will- add 5,000 men from
Missouri. With this force he is to
commence operations against Mobile as
soon as he can. . .

Gillmore joins Butler with
10,000 men (from South Carolina), and
the two operate against Richmond from
the south side of the James River.
This will give Butler 33,000 men.... I
will stay with the Army of the Potomac,
increased by Burnside's corps (Ninth)
of not less than 25,000 effective men,
and operate directly against Lee's army,
wherever it may be found. Sigel collects
all his available force in two columns,
one under Ord and Averell, to start
from Beverly (West) , Virginia; and the
other under Crook, to start from Charles-
ton on the Kanawha, to move against the
Virginia and Tennessee Railroad... You
I propose to move against Johnston's
army, to break it up and to get into the
interior of the enemy's country as far as
you can, inflicting all the damage you
can against their war resources. .. -

Grant was also able to choose his own staff and he drew upon
the best men in the army. Many of these men had served
with him in the West or were friends of Grant from civilian
life. They proved to be a capable group. Included in his
staff were the following:

15 Matthew Forney Steele, American Campaigns , (Combat
Forces Press, Washington, D. C, 1951) V. 1, pp. 229-230.

GRANT'S STAFF

Brig. Gen. John R. Rawlins - Chief of Staff

Lt. Col. C. B. Comstock, ADC Engr.

Lt. Col. Orville E. Babcock, ADC

Lt. Col. Horace Porter, ADC Engr.

Lt. Col. F. T. Dent, ADC

Lt. Col. Adam Badeau, Military Secretary

Lt. Col. William R. Rowley, Military Secretary

Lt. Col. Ely S. Parker, Military Secretary (Replaced Rowley
30 August 18 64)

Lt. Col. T. S. Bowers, As st. Adjutant General

Lt. Col. W. L. Duff, Asst. Inspector General

Capt. H. W. Janes, Asst. Quartermaster

Capt. Peter T. Hudson, ADC

Lt. William M. Dunn, Jr., ADC to Chief of Staff

Brig. Gen Rufus Ingalls, Chief Quartermaster

Lt. Col. M. R. Morgan, Chief Commissary

Brig. Gen M. R. Patrick, Provost Marshal General

Brig. Gen George H. Sharpe, Asst. Provost Marshal General

Capt. Amos Webster, Asst, Quartermaster

Maj . Gen John G. Barnard, Chief Engineer

Asst. Surgeon E.D.W. Breneman (For Headquarters Personnel)

Headquarters Orderlies, Guards, Messengers-
Cos B,F,K, 5th US Cavalry - Capt. Julius W. Mason
4th US Infantry - Capt Avery B. Cain 1

Grant was now the controller of the grand strategy of the
war. Grant knew how to end the war. His strategy was
simply to apply relentless pressure on the Confederate
Armies and to keep pounding away at the Confederacy until
its collapse and the people of the South had had enough of
war. Included in his plans was the intention of occupying
enemy territory and capturing key positions such as
Richmond and Atlanta. Coordination of these efforts would
prove to be the key to Grant's success or failure. The
coordination of military effort plus the application of
superior northern economic and manpower resources would
bring eventual victory to the North.

^Henry Coppee in his book Grant and His Campaigns
gives a good background description for every man on Grant's
staff during this time.

The Movement to City Point

On March 24 , 1864, General Grant established his headquarters
at Culpeper Court House with the Army of the Potomac. Meade
retained command of the Army of the Potomac, and all orders
to it were transmitted through him. Grant's main objective
was Lee's army, which was fortified in its intrenchments
behind the Rapidan. In this position the army was unas-
sailable from frontal assault. In order to defeat Lee,
Grant had to turn his flanks and force Lee out into the
open. Grant made his move on May 4, 1864, at which time
the Federal Army numbered 121,000 men; General Lee commanded
62,000 men.

Grant's secondary objective was to destroy all communica-
tions between Richmond and the deep South. In maneuvering
to attack the railroad lines upon which Lee and Richmond
depended, Grant hoped to force Lee to leave his fortified
positions and fight on terms more acceptable to the Army
of the Potomac-out in the open.

Lee had to defend four specific railroads. These were
first, the Virginia Central Railroad, which connected Richmond
with Shenandoah Valley, the great food supplier to Richmond

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FIGURE 19

This map shows the location of the Army of the
Potomac and the Army of Northern Virginia at
the start of the Wilderness Campaign on May 3,
1864 .

SOURCE: Vincent J. Eposito , Atlas to Accompany
Steel's American Campaigns , West Point, 1953,
p. 120.

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and Lee's Army. Second, the Virginia and Tennessee Rail-
road, which extended from Lynchburg westward to the Missis-
sippi. From Lynchburg the railroad connected with Richmond
by the Orange and Alexandria and the Virginia Central Rail-
roads. Third, was the Richmond and Danville Railroad, which
connected Richmond and the deep South. Fourth, was the
Petersburg and Weldon Railroad, which connected Richmond
with the length of the Atlantic seaboard. This line was
of extreme importance to Lee and the capital because it

linked Richmond with Wilmington, South Carolina, the one

17
remaining seaport of the Confederacy.

On May 4/ 1864, Grant crossed the Rapidan on his left to
avoid the intrenchments that covered Lee's front. Lee did
not dispute Grant's crossing but struck at him one day
later in the dense forest.

This was the same area that had witnessed a previous Union
defeat the year before at Chancellorsyille. The forests
were thick, and it was difficult to tell friend from foe. A

For a more detailed discussion of these railroads and

their strategic importance in 1864-1865, see John Biglow, The

Principles of Strategy , (Greenwood Press, New York) , pp.

124-126.

Union officer, Robert Robertson, writing years later
described the fighting during these early days of the cam-

paign,

The Wilderness is a densely wooded
region of great extent, remarkable on
account of its dreary and dismal woods.
A dense undergrowth of scraggy pines,
dwarfed oaks and laurel bushes has
sprung up, while in the low points are
sluggish streams and dank marshes
chocked with alders, twined closely with
luxuriant tangled and prickly vines,
making many places almost inaccessible.

At daybreak the reveille sounded
and one could see men arising from
amid stacks of arms. Evening shades
fell fast in the gloomy recesses of
these dark woods, and the darkness and
undergrowth prevented any true alignment.
Only by the flash of the volleys did we
know where the enemy was with whom we
were engaged. Night soon wrapped
those gloomy woods in total darkness,
and still the fight raged on. We saw
no enemy, but we were so close that the
flashes from their muskets and ours
seemed to mingle, and we fired only at
their line of fire and they at ours. It
was a battle fought where maneuvering
was impossible, where the lines of battle
were invisible to their commanders, and
where the enemy also was j.iivisible.

Yet in that gloomy region of death
nearly 200,000 men were grappling in one
deadliest struggles of the war.l°

l^Otto Eisenschiml and Ralph Newman, The Civil War
(Grosset & Dunlap Inc., New York, 1956), vol. 1, pp. 560-561

Conditions were so confused at this time that it was
impossible to establish lines. Another Union soldier,
Augustus Buell, wrote of the battle:

A man of the 44th New York, whom
I knew, got lost in an attack in the
afternoon of the fifth and after dark
found himself away down among the troops
of the 2nd Corps. He had passed at
least two miles in the rear of the Rebel
lines, and through them twice, unchalleng-
ed . He told me that when he came to the
2nd Corps front about ten o'clock at
night and was halted, he answered, "I
belong to the 44th New York. Who in hell
are you?" He hadn't the remotest idea
where he was.

One old fellow who was brought up
out of the brush belonged to the 5th
Texas and had been hit in the shin by a
bullet. Some of the boys asked him what
he thought of the battle. His reply was,
"Battle be damned! It ain't neither
front nor rear. It's all a damned mess!
And our two armies ain't nothing but
howl in' mobs! "19

Grant next moved his army to Spotsylvania and said in his

memoirs, "My object in moving to Spotsylvania was twofold:

first, I did not want Lee to get back to Richmond in time

to crush Butler before I could get there: second, I wanted

to get between his army and Richmond, if possible and if

19 Ibid., pp. 561-562.

20
not to draw him into the open." Lee managed to get to

Spotsylvania before Grant and was waiting for him. The
fighting was severe and confused again as was noted by-
Theodore Guish who was in Sedgwick's Corps :

It was a hand-to-hand conflict, resem-
bling a mob in its character. The contest-
ants seemed to forget all the noble ele-
ments of manhood. Men were transformed to
giants. The air was filled with shouts,
cheers, commands, oaths, the sharp reports
of rifles, the dull, heavy thuds of clubbed
muskets, the swish of swords and sabers,
groans and prayers. Occasionally our men
would drop their guns and clench the enemy
in single combat, until Federal and Confed-
erate would roll on the ground in a death
struggle. Our officers fought like demons.
Revolvers and swords, which up to that hour
had never seen actual service, received
their baptism of blood. As the moments
passed, the valor of the men increased.
Many of those who were wounded refused to
go to the rear but, with blood pouring from
their wounds continued to fight. 21

Grant's attack on Lee at Spotsylvania was repulsed after
severe fighting. General Sheridan with the Cavalry Corps
cut loose from the main army and defeated J.E.B. Stuart at
the Battle of Yellow Tavern. Stuart died of wounds received
in the fight.

20 Grant, Memoirs , p. 211,
21 Ibid. , p. 572.

On May 21, 1864, Grant determined to strike at Lee again.
Grant detached a corps toward the Richmond and Fredericks-
burg Railroad hoping to draw Lee out of his fortified
position to attack the corps. Lee was too weak to attack
and simply moved a corps on a parallel road in the same
direction. Grant moved forward with his entire army
followed by Lee. Both armies met on the North Anna, with
Lee occupying very strong defensive positions. Sheridan
returned to the main army by this time having destroyed
about 20 miles of track belonging to the Virginia Central
Railroad. During this time, from May 21 to 26, 18 64, Grant
sent part of three army Corps to destroy track of the
Richmond and Fredericksburg and Virginia Central Railroad.
Between May 27 and June 11, 18 64, Grant again tried to
maneuver his army between Lee and Richmond. Both armies
met at Cold Harbor in early June, with Lee again taking up
fortified positions. Grant attacked Lee repeatly at Cold
Harbor only to see his army thrown back with heavy losses.
The power of the defensive positions established by Lee was
too strong to be overcome by mass assault. Thousands were
killed in the assaults. Robert Stiler, a Confederate
artillery Officer, wrote of the battle:

We were in line of battle at Cold
Harbor from the first to the twelfth of
June — say twelve days. The battle proper
did not last perhaps that many minutes.
In some respects at least it was one of
the notable battles of history — certainly
in its brevity measured in time and its
length measured in slaughter, as also in
the disproportion of the loses. For my
own part, I could scarcely say whether it
lasted eight or sixty minutes, or eight
or sixty hours, all my powers being con-
centrated on keeping the guns supplied
with ammunition.

Here, then, is the secret of the
otherwise inexplicable butchery. A little
after daylight on June 3, 1864, along the
lines of our salient, our infantry and our
artillery fired at very short range into a
mass of men twenty-eight deep, who could
neither advance nor retreat, and the most
of who could not even discharge their
muskets at us.

Federal writers who have written about
this battle speak about our works as
bastions no troops could be expected to
take, and any tloopA should be expected to
hold.

About the works along our part of the
line I can speak with exactness and certainty.
I saw them. I helped with my own hands to
make them, I fought behind them. They were a
single line of earth about four -feet high and
three to five feet thick. It had no ditch or
obstruction in front. There was no physical
difficulty in walking right, over that bank.
I did it often myself, saw- many others do it,
and twice saw a line of Federal troops walk
over it .

I wonder if it could have been the imzn
behind the works! 22

Ibid. , pp. 581-582.

The defeat at Cold Harbor had a decided effect on Grant's
future strategy. General James H. Wilson described the
mood at Grant ' s Headquarters .

At Grant's headquarters I found, in
the early days of June, a feeling of des-
pondency. Grant himself, while neither
cast down nor discouraged, evidently felt
disappointed at his failure to overwhelm
Lee. Both Rawlins and Dana, able and
experienced men, were disposed to hold
Grant himself responsible for making head-
on attacks against entrenched and almost
impregnable positions. They feared that
the policy of the direct and continuous
attack, if presisted in, would ultimately
so decimate and discourage the rank and
file that they could not be induced to face
the enemy at all .

Certain it is that the "smash- 'em-up"
policy was abandoned about that time and
was never again favored at headquarters. 23

Grant now decided on another strategy and determined that

he would put his entire army south of the James River.

24
Halleck had suggested this movement.

Grant made careful preparations. On June 14, 1864 Grant and
Butler conferred at Bermuda Hundred- and issued orders for the
attact on Petersburg. Early on the morning of June 15, 18 64,

23 Ibid .

Ibid.

100

General W. F. Smith's Corps advanced to take the town.
Smith confronted the enemy's pickets in front of Peters-
burg before daylight, but for some reason did not attack
until 7 p.m., when he carried enemy's outworks, driving the
Confederates back to-and-one-half miles, and capturing
both artillery and prisoners. The road to Petersburg was
now open and the decisive blow needed to take Petersburg,
and possibly end the war, could not be given. Smith
delayed and the opportunity was lost. Grant hurriedly
moved his army to Petersburg and by June 16, most of his
troops were in front of the city. Lee had been fooled.
The garrison at Petersburg numbered only 2,500 men and
starting on the 14th and 15th of June increased slowly to
between 10,00 and 15,000 by June 17th. Lee and the bulk
of his army were north of Petersburg, still under the
impression that Grant was aiming at Richmond. Lee learned
on the 17th of Grant's crossing of the James, and on the
18th he arrived at Petersburg with his army. Repeated
federal assaults failed to dislodge Lee and resulted in
the Siege of Petersburg for the next ten months. Grant
set up his headquarters at City Point, Virginia, and
prepared to wait out Lee and dislodge him from his prize.
The Siege of Petersburg and the last critical stage of the
war had begun.

101

CHAPTER III
Life at City Point 1864-1865

Wednesday, June 15, 1864 was a critical day for the Union Army.
Petersburg, the back door to Richmond, was practically within grasp.
While the Union Army prepared to assault the city, General P.G.T.
Beauregard had only three thousand men at his immediate disposal for
defense of this vital rail link of the Confederacy. General Lee was
north of Petersburg with the bulk of his army expecting Grant to try
another direct assault on Richmond. Grant had slipped away from Lee
and was concentrating his forces for the move against Petersburg. Lee was
out- general ed and confused for the moment.

The end of the war was now at hand, if only Petersburg could be quickly
taken. It was not to be. Confusion of orders, lack of rations, poor
maps, missed opportunities and general incompetence, all combined to
save the Confederacy. The. attack was delayed. When it was finally
made at .p.m. the union forces overran several miles of Confederate
trenches and pushed Beauregard back. Beauregard stiffened his lines
and held the Union army short of its goal - the city of Petersburg.

During the night Beauregard stripped his Bermuda defense line facing
Butler to a handful of men and concentrated all his available forces
at Petersburg. He also wrote to Lee informing hin of his peril. Union

102

forces attacked in the morning and were thrown back once more. Lee, now
realizing his danger, moved his army to Petersburg and arrived there
on Friday June 17. Repeated federal assaults were repelled and by
Saturday, General Grant decided that Petersburg could not be carried
By a general assault and would have to be invested and cut off by a
siege.

Grant arrived at City Point on June 15, and decided to make his
headquarters camp there. The choice of City Point as Grant's

headquarters was easy to make. City Point was located at the junction of
the James and the Appomattox Rivers and was within easy water communication
with. Fort Monroe and Washington, as well as Butler's army, which was to
occupy positions on both, sides of the James. The City Point Railroad
ran from the waterfront to points south of Petersburg, immediately in
the rear of the Union army. It served as a natural supply link for
Grant. The area was also very majestic, situated high on the bluff
along the river. Grant lived in a tent on the front lawn of Dr. Eppes'
home, Appomattox Manor. Most of the land at ; City Point belonged to
Dr. Eppes. City Point also had other advantages to recommend it. It was

The War of the Rebellion, Official Records of the Union and Confederate
Armies CGovernment Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 1892) , Vol. XL,
Part IT, p. 72 hereafter cited as O.R.

103

situated far enough from the front and had a commanding view of the
immediate area to be readily defensible. Still, railroad and water
communications were good enough to keep the army supplied and to keep
Grant informed of the progress of the siege. Telegraphic communications
were also easy to establish with the other war fronts and Washington.
City Point was very convenient for Grant, and he made use of its assets.

When Grant moved into City Point on the evening of June 15, 1864, he
expected a short stay. Tents were set up on the front lawn of
Appomattox Manor in the form of a rectangle with two ends and the
south side occupied while the north side was open. The east end

extended to the bluff bank of the Appomattox River, perhaps fifty to

2
sixty feet in height.

Sylvanius Cadwallader in his book Three Years with Grant (Alfred A.

Knopf, New York, 1955) describes the camp as follows:

"Headquarters proper were in the form of a parallelogram with, the two
ends, and the North side closely filled with tents. The South side
was open. The West end extended to the bluff bank of the Appomattox
River, perhaps fifty to sixty feet in height/-'

Cadwallader' s description does not agree with the U.S. Military Map

of City Point or available photographs. I believe he had his directions

confused and was in error in saying that the tents formed a parallolegram.

The only other explanation might be that when the cabins were put

up in November 1864, to replace the tents they were situated differently

from the way Cadwallader described the tents.

104

Figure 20. Military Railroad Map of

— City Point Virginia, June 1865.
Source: National Archives, Record

— Group #77-Rds 197.

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In the following two photographs we can see Grant's headquarters tent
on the grounds of Dr. Eppes' home. In the second photograph we can
see Grant sitting under a shade tree in a relaxed manner. At this time
he had lost 49,000 men in three battles in the Wilderness, Spotsylvania
and Cold Harbor and could see no end to the war. His reputation was
hanging in the balance.

106

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UTCe: SSS^IS/V' U '?' ^ Milltaiy HisioTy Ins titute, Carlisle
tfarraclcs, Carlisle, Pennsylvania, Mollus Collection #869.

Figure 22. Grant sitting on the front law of Appomattox Manor
qnilTr . .^ m frc ^ t of his office tent in the summer of 1864.
source: Library of Congress, #565B, B8184-B-758

108

For the first few days following Grant's arrival at City Point the
James River was covered with vessels and transports which had followed
the army with supplies. Swarms of civilians, employees of the
Sanitary and Christian Commissions, sutlers, volunteer nursers,
sightseers and others ,all came to the camp area. According to
Cadwallader:

They swarmed around the wharves, filled up the narrow avenues
at the landing between the six -mule teams which stood there by
the acre, plunged frantically across the road in front of your
horse wherever you rode, piled everybody with ridiculous questions
about "the military situation," invaded the privacy of every
tent, stood around every mess-table till invited to eat unless
driven away, and wandered around at nearly all hours.

They congregated especially in the vicinity of headquarters,
standing in rows just outside of the guard- line, staring at
Gen. Grant and staff, pointing out the different members of the
latter to each other, and seizing upon every unfortunate darky
belonging to headquarters who came within their reach, and
asking all manner of impertinent questions: "Does Gen. Grant
smoke? Where does he sleep and eat? Does he driik? Are you
sure he is not a drinking man? Where's his wife? What became
of his son that was with him at Vicksburg? Which is Gen. Grant?
What? Not that little man?" And so on by the hour. For
several days headquarters resembled a menagerie. 3

General Grant also began to receive many visitors - both official

and unofficial. Cadwallader describes one of these visitors

as follows:

•z

Cadwallader, p. 231.

109

On June 21st about one o'clock p.m., a long, gaunt bony looking
man with a queer admixture of the comical and the doleful in his
countenance that reminded one of a professional undertaker cracking
a dry joke, undertook to reach the general's tent by scrambling
through a hedge and coming in alone. He was stopped by a hostler
and told to "keep out of here." The man in black replied that he
through Gen. Grant would allow him inside. The guard finally
called out: "No sanitary folks allowed inside." After some
parleying the man was obliged to give his name, and said he was
Abraham Lincoln, President of the united States, seeking an interview
with Gen. Grant I The guard saluted, and allowed him to pass.
Grant recognized him as he stepped under the large "fly" in front
of his tent, rose and shook hands with him cordially, and then
introduced him to such members of the staff as were present and
unacquainted. 4

The President, accompanied by his son Tad, Assistant Secretary of the

Navy, Gustavus Vasa Fox, Mr. Chadwick, proprietor of the Willard Hotel,

as purveyor for the party, and the Marine Band, had just arrived at

City Point. After dinner, President Lincoln and General Grant rode

out to inspect the front lines. When the two passed a brigade of

negro troops they rushed his horse shouting: "Hurrah for the Liberator;

HurTah for the President."

Other visitors were unofficial and came on purely personal business.
Shortly after camp was established a woman arrived with an infant in
her arms and inquired where to find General Grant. After some delay
she was directed to Grant's tent where in a downcast, tearful manner
she waited for Grant. Cadwallader continues:

4 Tbid. , p. 231 - 232.

Ibid. , p. 233,

110

We soon learned that she was the wife of a federal soldier
who had deserted to the enemy, been captured armed and in
rebel uniform, had been court-martialed and sentenced to be
shot; and was then at the front awaiting execution. She came
to plead for his life. Gen. Grant spent an hour in trying to
show her how impossible it was to grant her request. Desertion
was an unpardonable military offense; but when it was aggravated
by taking up arms in the enemy's ranks, every civilized country
in the world inflicted the death penalty. He expressed his
sympathy for her, and urged her to return to her home and friends,
and try to forget the man who had shown himself to be so unworthy
of the affection and love of any good woman - that a man who
could so far forget his wife, child and country, would never
prove a good husband and father. She listened stolidly; but said
over and over again that he had always been a good husband to her.
She made no apologies for his conduct, but kept on repeating he fi
had always been a good husband, and begging him to spare his life.

The woman refused to leave Grant's tent and Grant was unwilling to

force her out. Finally, after all reasoning had failed ,he telegraphed

General Meade to see if there were any errors in the court-martial

proceedings. There were none. The woman still refused to leave

so Grant telegraphed Lincoln and asked for authority to do as he

pleased in the matter. Grant had her husband brought to his tent the

next morning and we learn that:

Grant gave him a lecture of unusual severity - scored him
unmercifully - told him he richly deserved a thousand deaths,
for one such act often led to the deaths of thousands of
innocent men - told him he could stand by and witness his
execution without a single emotion of pity for him - but
concluded it all by telling him that out of sorrow for his
wife, who had proven herself so true and so good a woman, he
would give him one chance for his life. He would not pardon

Ibid., P. 244-250.

Ill

him, nor in any way release him from the verdict pronounced
against him, except to delay the day of his execution. He
would order him to be restored to the ranks of the company
from which he had deserted, subject to further orders in
the -matter. He told him plainly he would be under daily and
hourly surveillance, and upon the first dereliction of duty
in any way, he would order him to be shot within twenty -four
hours . '

After breakfast the husband was returned to the front and the wife

left Grant's tent and took the ten o'clock mail boat to Washington.

Grant occupied a tent on the grounds of the Eppes estate for five
months until cold weather forced him to erect a more comfortable
cabin. Appomattox Manor was used by General Rufus Ingalls, Chief
Quartermaster of the Army.

7 Ibid., p. 251.

112

In the following picture we see General Ingalls on the front porch of
Appomattox Manor. Popular tradition has it that Grant used the
home for his offices and that Lincoln used the home for offices and
living quarters. . No evidence to support this fact has been found.
Best available evidence supports the view that the house was used by
General Ingalls as his headquarters, and the U.S. Army Telegraph Corps
occupied another part of the home. The telegraph office was located
in the dining room, and General Ingalls used the opposite bedroom on
the first floor CSee floor plan for details) .

113

BREVET MAJOR-GENERAL RUFUS INGALLS.

Figure 23. General Rufus Ingalls, Chief Quartermaster of the Army,

standing on the front porch of Appomattox Manor.
Source: Rossiter Johnson, Campf ires and Batt lefields. New York,
Gallant Books, 19607 "

114

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Figure 24. General Ingalls and unidentified party on the porch.

of Appomattox Manor in May 1865.
Source: Library of Congress # 57340.

115

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The East Wing of the home, which was added in 1840, was not used by
the military due to damage sustained when union cannon balls were
fired into the roof during the seizure of City Point. One cannon
ball was removed in 1952 when the roof was repaired. According to
Mrs. Elise Eppes Cutchins, several bushels of Minie balls were also
found in the roof and were sold as souvenirs to tourists when Appomattox
Manor was opened to the public during the Civil War Centennial.
In the following Brady photographs we can clearly see the damaged
roof on the East Wing.

117

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Figure 25. Appomattox Manor 1865. East Wing showing damage to roof

caused by the Union Army during the occupation in 1864.
Source: National Archives #111-3-5197.

"MS

^N®|

Figure 26. Appomattox Manor 1865. East Wing showing damage to roof

caused by the Union Army during the occupation of 1864.
Source: National Archives # 111 -B- 5212.

119

Mrs. Cutchins did say that it was possible that junior officers
stationed at City Point might have used the East Wing from time
to time. There is no evidence to either confirm or to deny this.
She was certain that neither Grant nor Lincoln used the home, although
we must assume that they both visited the home occasionally to
send and to receive telegraphs.

The best description we have of Grant's headquarters for this period
comes from General Horace Porter in his book , Campaigning with Grant .
According to Porter:

A hospital tent was used as his (Grant's) office, while a
smaller tent connecting in the rear was occupied as his
sleeping-apartment. A hospital tent -fly was stretched in
front of the office tent so as to make a shaded space in
which persons could sit. A rustic bench and a number of
folding camp-chairs with backs were placed there, and it
was beneath this tent -fly that most of the important
official interviews were held. When great secrecy was to
be observed the parties would retire to the office tent.
On both sides of the generals ' quarters were pitched close
together enough officers' tents to accommodate the staff.
Each tent was occupied by two officers. The mess -tent was
pitched in the rear, and at a short distance still farther
back a temporary shelter was prepared for the horses. °

Each officer took his turn in acting as "caterer" to the mess.

According to Porter:

° Horace Porter, Campaigning with Grant (Indiana University Press,
Bloomington, 1961) p. 212.

120

His duties consisted in giving general directions to the steward
as to ordering the meals, keeping an account of the bills, and
at the end of his tour dividing up the expenses and collecting
the amount charged to each officer. General Grant insisted upon
paying two shares of the expenses instead of one, upon the
ground that he invited more guests to meals than any one else
in the mess, although this was not always the case, for each
officer was allowed to entertain guests, and there were at times
as many visitors at table as members of the mess. The officer
acting as caterer sat at the head of the mess -table, with the
general on his right. "

General Grant never complained about the food. The only meat he
enjoyed was beef and he would eat it only if it was thoroughly
cooked. He never ate any meat which came onto the table if blood
appeared in it. He couldn't stand the sight of blood and would
immediately leave the table.

General Grant enjoyed oysters and fruit but would not touch mutton,
fowl, or game. He was quoted as saying, "I never could eat anything
that goes on two legs. lt ^

His favorite lunch consisted of sliced cucumbers and coffee. He
also enjoyed corn, pork, beans and buckwheat cakes . Onee when
acting as a caterer, Porter sent to Washington for sweatb reads
for the mess. When Grant saw them he announced, "I hope that

9 Ibid.

10 I5id.

11 Ibid. , p. 214.

121

these were not obtained especially for me, for I have a singular
aversion to them. In my young days I used to eat them, not
knowing exactly what part of the animal they came from; but as
soon as I learned what they were my stomach rebelled against
them, and I have never tasted them since." *2

The only beverage ever used at the table besides tea and coffee
was water. Only after a hard day's ride in stormy weather would
Grant join the other officers at headquarters for a whiskey toddy.
He never offered liquor of any kind to visitors but would give
them cigars instead. ^

According to another eyewitness, after dinner:

Most of the time was spent around a huge wood fire
kept up in the centre of the encampment, immediately in
front of Grant's own hut. Here a number of rough seats
were placed, and two or three officers were almost always
to be found. The weather was cold, but wrapped in the
overcoat of a private soldier, Grant liked to form one
of the group around this fire. The telegraph was close at
hand, and despatches were brought him instantly: to this
point came messages from Meade, and Butler, and Sherman,
and Sheridan, and Thomas, and Canby, and Stanton, and
Hal leek, and the President; and after reading them, the

12 Ibid . , p. 214,

13 Ibid , p. 215.

122

general -in- chief usually stepped at once into his hut and wrote
his reply; he then rejoined the circle around the fire, and
often told the contents of the message he had received, as
well as of that he sent. On such occasions he rarely consulted
any one. Sometimes, of course, it was necessary to inform
himself Before replying; if any inquiry was made about troops,
or he needed to know something from the quarter master or the
commissary of subsistence, the proper officer was sent for;
but when the despatch simply required a decision, Grant made
the decision, and announced it after the reply was gone. 14

One favorite occupation at the camp was the study of rebel newspapers
which often brought the first news Grant had of distant commands.
These were obtained from the picket line on a regular basis and
Grant was kept well informed about Confederate news. These newspapers,
plus returning prisoners of war, brought Grant the only news he had
concerning events on the other side of the line.

Grant was an endless story teller and would relive his past experiences
with, his officers at night. He would talk late into the night and
seemed never to want to go to bed. Many times he would sit up until
three or four in the morning, long after everyone else had retired.
He preferred to stay up late and would often* 'tire out his aides-de-camp
who eventually took turns sitting up with him in self defense.

Adam Badeau, Military History of U.S. Grant (T>. Apple ton and
Company, New York, 1881], vol.. Ill, pp. 136-137.

15 Ibld -

16 Ibid - » P- 143.

123

After Grant retired for the night, one of his staff would remain on
duty outside of his tent until morning.

Grant insisted on living in tents until well into the Fall of 1864.
While living in a tent he could believe that the Siege of Petersburg
would end soon and the war would be over. To erect a cabin meant
that he was setting up a more permanent camp and that the end of
the war was not close at hand. As the weather began to grow cold
Grant's staff became uncomfortable in the cold. In November, 1864,
Grant had to leave City Point for a few days, and in his absence
the tents came down and cabins were erected. Grant's cabin was a
spacious building.

The cabins of General Grant's staff were made of split juniper
or at least lined with it. The bark was left on many of the logs.
The floors consisted of split logs and the walls had one or two
small windows. All of the cabins had fire places. Each hut

contained space enough for two bunk beds. ' /■■

A description of Grant's cabin can be found in the Friday, August 4,
1865, edition of the Philadelphia Inquirer.

Statement of Brigadier Timothy E. Wilcox in the files of the

Petersburg National Battlefield Park.

124

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e 27. Architectural elevations and
floor plan of Grant's Cabin.

e: Appomattox Manor-City Point
File, Petersburg National
Battlefield, Petersburg, Va.

slORT H ELEV ATION

Scale : \/4"= I'-O"

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The Cabin is of the stockade pattern, the logs being inserted
perpendicularly in the ground. There are two rooms; the front room,
which was used as a sitting or reception room, is fourteen feet
square, and the back room, which constituted the General's sleeping
apartment, is twenty- five feet by nine feet in extent. The entire
building is shaped like the letter T. It is built of Virginia pine
logs, two hundred in number.

The logs composing the front of the building are nicely squared and
planed, and the remainder are in the rough. The back room is lined
with boards, but the walls of the front or sitting room is composed
of logs only. The logs are all chinked with plaster, this plaster
and the mortar used constituting the- only new substance used in the
reerection of the building. The cabin originally cost $2800, and
it took about four days to construct it, employing about forty men,
a number of whom were negroes, paid seventy dollars per month and
found sic in provisions.

The cabin was erected in November, 1864, and was constantly occupied
by General Grant until the end of the war.

The sitting room has two windows and one door, the door being out in
the principal front; the bed-room has a like number, the door
being at the rear of the building. A partition is erected between
the two rooms, with, sliding doors, which partition is divided by the
fireplace and chimney, which are built of brick.

The front room is warmed by a wood fire, the andirons used to build
said fire being constructed of old muskets by a soldier, and
presented to General Grant. The fender is made of sheet iron, and
is punctured with the letters "U.S.G.", with a star on either side
of the initials.

The cabin has a slanting shingle roof. This roof was sawed into
six sections, for the purpose of transporting' it to this city. The
cabin is covered with, a flooring of planed" pine boards and the ceiling
is composed of canvas tacked to the rafters.

At City Point the cabin faced due north, and from its door a
picturesque view of the James and Appomattox rivers could be obtained.
Tt was situated on a high bluff, surrounded with trees, and directly
in front of it towered a high flag-staff, from which, always floated
an immense American flag. There were in all twenty- two log cabins
erected in the immediate vicinity of head- quarters , three of which
were counterparts of the one occupied by the commanding general,

128

and occupied by his chief of staff and staff officers of different
grades. The cabin will contain the furniture used by General
Grant as near as it can be obtained. This furniture has, however,
become somewhat scattered, some of the articles being carried off
at City Point hy relic hunters, but the main portion of it is in the
possession of the general.

129

An iron camp bed, an iron wasfstand, a couple of pine tables,
and a few common wooden chairs made up the furniture.

Many of the northern papers commented on the establishment of a more
permanent camp at City Point. One paper declared that the establishment

of Winter quarters was proof that the oldest inhabitant would not

19
likely live long enough to see Grant take Richmond.

Grant and his staff used humor to cope with this situation. General Rufus
Ingalls returned on a trip to Washington with an English-spotted
coach, dog that followed him everywhere. One night as Ingalls and
Grant sat together around the fire Grant asked: "Well, Ingalls,
What are your real intentions in regard to that dog? Do you expect
to take it into ■ Richmond with you?" Ingalls replied to this: "I
hope so it is said to come from a long lived breed." This exchange
brought a round of laughter from everyone. ™

Below we have two pictures of Grant's cabin at City Point.

18 Porter, pp. 329-330 ,

19 Ibid.

20 Ibid., p. 331,

130

1 ,v

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e 28. Military cabins
ed on the front lawn of
attox Manor during the
r of 1864-1865. View
Northeast,
e: War Library and
m of the Military
of the Loyal Legion
e United States,
delphia, Pa.

131

Figure 29

Military cabing located on the front lawn
of Appomattox Manor during the Winter of
1864-1865 . View from Northwest .

Source: Petersburg National Battlefield ,

Petersburg , Virginia , File §11, Historical
Buildings .

132

Identification of Grant's cabin is easy because after the war
Grant gave it to George H. Stuart, President of the Sanitary
Commission, who erected it in Fairmount Park, Philadelphia, where
it is today. Modern pictures permit easy identification as seen
below.

133

Figure 30. The following six: photographs are modern pictures of

Grant's cabin taken in November 1977, at Fairmount Park
in Philadelphia.

Source: Appomattox Manor-City Point File, Petersburg National
Battlefield, Petersburg, Virginia.

JSs^ijSSr^&H*'

134

135

136

Since Mr. Stuart was interested in knowing the full history of
events that occurred in the cab in, our knowledge of its history-
is excellent. In July, 1865, Adam Badeau, who was on Grant's
staff sent him the following letter describing the history of the
cabin.

137

Headquarters Armies of the United States
Washington D.C. July 21, 1865

Geo. H. Stuart, Esq.
Philadelphia.

My Dear Sir

Lieut. Gen. Grant directs me to ac-
knowledge the receipt of your communication of the 20th
inst., and to state that he is perfectly willing for the cabin
in which, he lived at City Point to be placed wherever
you or the citizens of Philadelphia may prefer.

He also directs me to state, in reply to your
request for a history of the cabin, and especially to your
reference to a supposed council of war between President
Lincoln, Gen. Sherman and himself, that he held no
council of war at City Point or any other place at any time; that
the interviews between Mr. Lincoln, Gen. Sherman and
himself to which you allude, were rather insignificant
than "momentous", and that the only conversation of any
importance which did occur between them took place on
a steamboat; it consisted of Gen. Grant's announcement
that he intended to move out against Gen. Lee at a
certain time, with his directions to Gen. Sherman to
cooperate in North Carolina.

The cabin, however, you will permit me to say,
has an interest beyond that to which in Gen. Grant's
eyes it seems entitled. It was built in November 1864,
so that the last four months of the Rebellion, im-
mediately prior to the great movements which resulted
in its overthrow, were passed by him within its walls.
Here he received the reports of his great subordinates
almost daily, and sent them their orders and their
rewards. Here he watched Sherman ^s route as he
came across the continent to the sea, and afterwards
along his memorable march through the Carol inas; from
here he dispatched his instructions to Thomas, which
resulted in the battle of Nashville and the discomfiture
of Hood, so that a concentration of any great force in
front of Sherman was impossible. From here he directed
Terry in the operations which culminated in the fall\
of Fort Fisher. From here he directed Sherman and
Schofield, bringing one Northward through the Carolinas
and the other Eastward in dead winter across the North,
and then sending him by sea to meet his great captain
at Goldsboro, the cooperation being so complete that the
two armies arrived one from Nashville and the other
from Savannah, on the same day. Here he received
the rebel commissioners on their way to meet President
Lincoln; here he ordered Sheridan's glorious move-
ments, whose importance in producing the last great
result can hardly be overestimated; from here he
directed CanBy in the campaign whose conclusion was
the fall of Mobile; from here he despatched Wilson

138

and Stoneman on their final raids. Here he received
the President, Gen. Sherman, Gen. Sheridan, Gen.
Meade and Admiral Porter in an interview
interesting beyond comparison in the meeting at one time
and place of so many men of such importance by their
talents and their positions and here the lamented
Lincoln passed many of the latest hours of his life
before its crowning success had been achieved. Here the
last orders for all these generals were penned before
the commencement of the great campaign which ter-
minated the war. These are reminiscences which I
have ventured to recall, conscious that they must always
be of transcedent interest to the patriot and the historical
student, although to the appreciation of the Lieut. Gen'l they seem, as he
directs me to style them - insignificant.

I am, by dear Sir

with great respect

Your Obedient servent.

ADAM BADEAU

Brev't. Col. § Mil. Sec. Z1

Located on the files of the Fairmount Park Commission,

Memorial Hall, Philadelphia

139

On February 12, 1889, Badeau sent another letter to Russel Thayer,
Chief Engineer and Superintendent of the Fairmount Park Commission
concerning the cabin.

140

Washington, D.C. February 12th, 1889.

Russell Thayer, Esq.,

Chief Engineer and Superintendent Fairmount Park, Philadelphia.

Dear Sir:

I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of February 2nd,
asking for the history of General Grant's Log Cabin now in Fairmount Park.

This building was put up in November, 1864, and was occupied
by General Grant during the last four or five months of the Rebellion.
It stood on the bluff overlooking the James River, where the headquarters
of our armies were established from June, 1864 to March, 1865. During
the summer and early autumn, Grant had slept in a tent, but as the
weather grew colder and it became almost certain that we must pass
the winter at City Point, cabins were built for him and his staff.

The hut of the General-in-Chief was larger than those of his
officers and contained two rooms, while theirs had but one, for Mrs. Grant
spent a portion of the winter with him, but in every other respect it
was as plain and simple as that of any Captain on his staff. The
cabins, about a dozen in number, formed three sides of the little
encampment, and the General Grant's was at the centre of one of
these lines, facing the river. In front was a flag staff with the
Headquarter ' s Flag, and the camp fire around which at night the officers
gathered. Grant was always among them, and remained until the small
hours, smoking, talking, joking, and now and then receiving a dispatch.
If news of importance came from the front at Petersburg, or nearer
Richmond, or from Sherman, Sheridan, Thomas, or other distant generals,
he often read it aloud, and then entered this cabin and wrote his
answer; sometimes the door remained open, and the candle flickered
in its iron frame. I can see him now in his light blue soldier's
overcoat and his broad-brimmed hat, cigar in mouth, leaning over
the table and writing an order to one of his/ 'great generals. Then
he rejoined the circle around the fire and" perhaps told what
directions he had issued. These orders were usually telegraphed,
and the operator's tent close at hand to facilitate the dispatch of
messages. ,

During the mornings of that last winter of the war Grant
also wrote more elaborate letter to Lincoln, Stanton, or to Halleck,
or his other important subordinates. One or two maps always lay on
his table, and as he got news from Sherman on his great marches, or
a report from Sheridan after a victory in the Valley, he often
entered to look for the exact spot where the manoeuvres or the
battle had occurred. Spies and scouts were sometimes examined

141

secretly in the inner room; officers brought hither verbal reports
from distant fields, and late in the night on his simple cot he
doubtless revolved the instructions and the plans which led through
so much anxiety and effort to the final triumph of the Union.

He never went to his camp bed till long past midnight, and
if any staff officer would sit up with him after the camp fire had
burned low and the others had turned in, they went into this cabin
together, and Grant was more genial and more communicative then than
at any other time. His great spirit may hover still around the rough
walls that once sheltered his bodily frame and recall the discussions
of the past, the verdict upon other generals, the details of his
battles and campaigns which he would then disclose to those in his
nearest confidence. Secrets of war and intimate personal revelations
hand around these unhewn walls enough to fill a volume if the rough
logs could tell the history they have seen and heard.

In this cabin Grant wrote his orders to Sherman for the
march, through the Carolinas ; from here he summoned Sheridan to the
Army of the Potomac for the final struggle; from his hut he
removed Butler after the failure at Fort Fisher; seated within
these walls he sent the dispatches to Thomas, which have provoked
so much, discussion, and the orders to Schof ield that transferred him
across the Continent. Here he received the Rebel Commissioners who
came out from Richmond in March, 1865, to treat for peace; and here
he often sat and talked with Lincoln of the great issues at stake,
the military measures and the means . Stanton too , and Seward have
sat under this roof, and on one memorable day, after Sherman had
arrived at the sea, Lincoln, Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Meade, and
Admiral Porter were all crowded into his little hut, which then
contained as much of America's greatness as has ever stood at once
within the same four walls.

Finally in the cabin Grant wrote the orders for the concluding
operations of the War; here he explained the /'situation to Lincoln on
the day before the Armies moved, and from this homely shelter, on the
29th. of March, 1865 , he started on that campaign which ended at
Appomattox with the surrender of Lee and secured the salvation
of the American Union.

I am Sir,

your obedient servent,

ADAM BADEAU. 22

22 IBid.

142

One of the regiments assigned to defend City Point was the 114th
Regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers. The regiment was chiefly
engaged in escorting rebel prisoners to Washington and its band also
provided appropriate music for military executions. These activities
were not sufficient to keep the regiment occupied and, as a result,
the band would practice its music all day and then march over to
Grant's cabin at night to serenade him. °

They did this in the belief that Grant appreciated music. Grant did not
appreciate the music or any music for that matter. After patiently
suffering for a few days ,he finally lost his temper and Porter relates
what happened.

The garrison commander was in blissful ignorance of the fact
that to the general the appreciation of music was a lacking
sense and the musician's score a sealed book. About the
third evening after the band had begun its performances,
the general, while sitting at the mess-table remarked: "I've
noticed that that band always begins its noise just about
the time I am sitting down to dinner and want to talk."
I offered to go and make an effort to suppress it, and see
whether would obey an order to "cease firing," and my services
were promptly accepted. The men were "gorgeously uniformed,
and the band seemed to embrace every sort of brass instrument
ever invented, from a diminutive cornet-a-pistons to a gigantic
double-bass horn. The performer who played the latter
instrument was engaged within its ample twists, and looked
like a man standing inside the coils of a whiskey-still.

The broad-B'elted band-master was puffing with, all the vigor
of a quack-medicine advertisement, his eyes were riveted

23 Frank Rauscher, Music on the March, 1862-1865, 114th Regiment of
Pennsylvania Volunteers . Qfin. F. Fell $ Co., Philadelphia, 1892), p. 217.

1 A ->

upon the music, and it was not an easy task to attract his
attention. Like a sperm-whale, he had come up to blow,
and was not going to be put down till he had finished; but
finally he was made to understand that, like the hand-organ
man, he was desired to more on. With a look of disinheritance
on his countenance, he at last marched off his band to its
camp. On my return the general said: "I fear that band-master's
feelings have been hurt, but I did not want him to be wasting
his time upon a person who has no ear for music." A staff- .
office remarked: "Well, general, you were at least much

more considerate than Commodore , who, the day he

came to take command of his vessel, and was seated at dinner
in the cabin, heard music on deck, and immediately sent for
the executive officer and said to him: 'Have the instruments
and men of that band thrown overboard at once I ' " 24

General Grant established a good working relationship with his
staff at City Point. The atmosphere of the camp was informal yet
Grant maintained the dignity of his position. However close
his staff were to him in their relations, there was never any

obtrusive intimacy. ° Grant always addressed his Chief of Staff
as "Rawlins," General Sherman as "Sherman" and General Sheridan as
"Sheridan." However, in addressing Meade and all other commanders he
used the title "General" Sherman always called the 'Commander-in-Chief
"Grant" Ingalls and other West Point classmates used this same
form of address when alone with Grant. When others were present
they called him "General." When talking to a personal aide he

24 Porter, p. 234-235,

25 Ibid. , p. 331.

144

knew well Grant would use their last names. He was considerate to
his staff and showed a genuine politeness to all who came to visit,
invariably inviting his visitor to be seated before offering the
inevitable cigar. He never criticized a person who had just left,
and would never listen to any camp gossip. He had an aversion to
people who whispered information in his ear and would invite that
person to the rear room of his cabin if a confidential interview
was needed. Grant was especially courteous to women and treated
all who came to see him with great respect.

While Grant was courteous to the officers and men of his staff and
to the men serving in the Army of the Potomac, the common soldier
could be abrupt as Porter relates:

There was an officer serving in the Army of the Potomac
who Sad formerly been a surgeon. One day he appeared
at Meade 's headquarters in a high state of in-
diguation, and said: "General, as I was riding over here
some of the men in the adjoining camps shouted after me and
called me 'Old Pills,' and I would like to have it stopped."
Meade just at that moment was not in the best possible
frame of mind to be approached with such- a complaint. He
seized hold of the eye-glasses, conspicuously large in size,
which he always wore , clapped them astride of his nose with both
hands, glared through them at the officer, and exclaimed:
"Well, what of that? How can I prevent it? Why, I hear that,
when I; rode out the other day, some of the men called me

a 'd d old goggle-eyed snapping-turtle, ' and I can't even stop

that!" The officer had to content himself with, this

26 Ibid., p. 323-333.

145

explosive expression of sympathetic fellow-feeling, and to take
his chances thereafter as to obnoxious epithets. "'

Grant never wasted his time on details that could be handled by
others. He never reviewed court-martial reports or spent time on
a project that was not of some importance. He would find a man he
could trust and then detail responsibility to that man. Grant
concentrated his efforts on doing his job and would not let himself
Be diverted. He would consider a problem as long as he deemed
necessary and than make his decision. Unlike other generals, Grant
never held a council of war. He just didn't believe in them, as
Porter points out:

It was suggested, one evening, that he instruct Sherman to
hold a council of war on the subject of the next movement
of his army. To this General Grant replied: "No; I will
not direct any one to do what I would not do myself under
similar circumstances. I never held what might be called
formal councils of war, and I do not believe in them. They
create a divided responsibility, and at times prevent that
unity of action so necessary in the field. Some officers
will in all likelihood oppose any plan that may be adopted;
and when it is put into execution, such officers may, by
their arguments in opposition, have so far convinced
themselves that the movement will fait that they cannot
enter upon it with enthusiasm, and might possibly be in-
fluenced in their actions by the feeling that a victory
would be a reflection upon their judgment. I believe it
is better for a commander charged with the responsibility
of all the operations of his army to consult his generals
freely but informally, get their views and opinions, and

mid., 247-248,

146

then make up his mind what action to take, and act accordingly.
There is too much truth in the old adage, 'Councils of war do
not fight. f " 28

As the months passed by City Point grew into a huge supply depot
for the Union Army. On any given day an eyewitness could count more
that forty steamboats, seventy-five sailing ships and one hundred
barges in the river. 29

Morris Schaff , a young ordnance officer fresh out of West Point, said
City Point reminded him of thecontinuous range of levees at New

Orleans, with its network of railroad tracks running to the jetties

30
out in the stream.

In the painting below by Edward Lamson Henry in the Addison Gallery
of American Art we can see an example of the frenzied activity at
City Point during the Siege of Petersburg.

28 Ibid. , p. 316

29 Edward Boykin, Beefsteak Raid (Funk § Wagnalls Company, New York.
1960], p. 116.

30 Ibid.

147

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148

One of the biggest attention getters at City Point was the
hospital which was large enough for over 6,000 men. It was located
between points 12 and 13 and F and H on the map.

In the two following photos we have several different view of the
hospital at City Point.

149

Figure 32. U.S. Army Hospital at City Point Virginia in 1865,
Source: Nfollus Collection * 1417.

150

> 'iV'S'

; * WEES*

•i"*;

? 1 1
>

I1 1:^1. '

Figure 33. U.S. Army Hospital at City Point in 1864.
Source: Mollus Collection # 1929

151

The hospital was organized very soon after the arrival of Grant
at City Point in June 1864, to handle the mass casualties of the
campaign. It handled as many as 10,000 patients during the summer
of 1864, and the following winter could provide for 6,000 men in
warm winter quarters. Twelve hundred hospital tents lined its
streets, while other conveniences included running water and a stream
laundry. 31

Cornelia Hancock, a nurse stationed at the hospital at City Point,
drew the following map of the hospital ground.

James River \ Maine [H Indiana | Ohio fj Venna. f~l

□

•

Broad Street

•a

. □

D a

•§ a

.1 D

,*<

/ Divh

Cornelia j_J

e D

Hancock

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s n

CO L_J

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31 Cornelia Hancock, South After Gettysburg (Books for Libraries
Press, Freeportl, p. 120.

152

The hospital covered some two hundred acres of land near Grant's
headquarters. The hospital had easy access to water transportation
which carried casualties to Washington and points north. Every
effort was made to treat the sick and wounded soldiers at City
Point. Through bitter experience, the army learned that once a
man was sent north for treatment he was usually lost to the army..
By treating the sick and the wounded at City Point, more men could
be returned to the ranks.

The medical department had its own wharves and transports but could
call on the quartermaster department for additional ships. In the
picture below we can see the medical supply steamer "Planter"
unloading supplies near City Point in September 1864.

153

154

Drugs and supplies as well as ice and delicacies were plentiful.
Every patient had a bed with clean sheets and pillows. Shortly
after the tents were erected, the quartermaster installed two four
horsepower steam engines at the edge of the river to draw water
into a 6,000 gallon tank supported on a trestle 30 feet high. Pipes
were laid throughout the area and river water was supplied for laundry,
bathing and other purposes. Wells and natural springs supplied
drinking water. 32

When City Point had no rain for several weeks during the summer,
dust and heat became a serious health problem. Hospital authorities
requested sprinkling carts from Washington to water down the streets.
This soon provided the necessary relief. 33

Hospital latrines were primitive and consisted of mainly open
ditches. Even after these ditches were treated with sulfate of
iron, flies and mosquitoes were common. The tents and grounds were
kept clean and regular inspections were made to see to this. As
the siege continued month after month the ration of sick to wounded
began to increase. "34

32 M:Pherson, p. 244-

33 Tbid.

3 ^ See Appendix VI for a comparison of common Civil War diseases to
diseases of World War I.

155

Convalescent patients were put to work around the hospital. In
addition to this help the medical staff had a detail of cavalry and
contingents of civilians working for the semi-official Sanitary
and Christian Commissions and commissions from many of the states,
which supplied food, clothing and nursing care. One hundred and
sixty adult negroes were also employed as cooks and laundresses.
They washed some 6,000 pieces of laundry each week. 35

As winter approached the tents were replaced with 90 log barracks
with board roofs, measuring 50 ft. by 20 ft. The walls were made
cheerful by covering them with brightly colored paper. Four hundred
and fifty-two tents were also used. '6

Everything was done to make the sick and wounded at City Point as
comfortable as possible. At the time Lee's army was starving in the
trenches the Union army had an abundance of supplies. In a letter
dated December 29, 1864, Cornelia Hancock, an army nurse, described
the Christmas dinner for the men at the hospital.

35 Ibid.

36 Ibid.

156

City Point, Dec. 29th, 1864

My Dear Sister

Christmas is over. We had it to perfection here, a splendid
dinner for 1400 men; just to think of it, cooking a sumptuous
dinner of turkeys, pies, etc. for that number. It is not
appalling? Miss Hart had charge of the dinner and, of
course, it was a success. She is so smart. T had moved
into my new kitchen and gave her full sway there. It
was handy to where the dinner was set in the government
kitchen where 400 can be seated at once. The hall was
decorated tastefully with evergreens and was really pretty
as a picture. It was photographed, I believe. 37

The U.S. Sanitary Commission had offices located at City Point.
The Sanitary Commission had been established on June 9, 1861 to
look after the health and welfare of the volunteer army ,and also to
act as a means of communication between the government and the
people. The Sanitary Commission followed the army and set up
its offices to help the soldiers. Many northern cities contributed
money to the Commission and by the time the Commission arrived at
City Point on June 18, 1864 , it was a large and well run organization.
Workers of the Sanitary Commission spent their first days setting
up a restaurant for soldiers and putting three large barges in the
river to act as aid stations. Moored permanently side by side in
the river, the barges were full of things needed by the soldiers.
Food and lodgings were offered to any needy soldier, white or black.. '^

3' Hancock, p. 163.

William Quentin Maxwell, Lincoln's Fifth Wheel (Longmans, Green
§ Co. New York, 1956), p. 256.

157

By 1865 the U.S. Sanitary Commission at City Point employed two
hundred workers and teamsters. A steam tug moved up and down
the river carrying supplies to various relief stations scattered
along the 30 mile front. Each army corps had its own Sanitary
Station and two four horse wagons to accompany the army on the
move. Agents of the commission cared for soldiers at the City
Point Hospital and the various regimental hospitals. The commission
even sent letters home for soldiers at the front and informed
relatives of deaths in battle.

By the end of June 1865> the Sanitary Commission had purchased 103
tons of canned tomatoes, 1,200 barrels of pickled cucumbers, 18,000
gallons of onions and tomatoes and 17,000 gallons of sauerkraut.
The commission also purchased 1,500 barrels of potatoes to give
to the soldiers. Woolen socks, shirts, drawers and tobacco were

supplied endlessly. Both officers and men of the army praised the

39
work of the commission.

The Sanitary Commission proved to be an invaluable ally of the soldiers
at City Point. Much of the bitterness and horror of war at
Petersburg was dissipated by the prompt work of this commission.

39 ibid.

158

City Point was a bustle of military activity during the summer of
1864. Supplies of every shape and description were tunneled through
the docks and onto the trains heading for the front. Quartermaster
General Meigs boasted that City Point could victual and supply half
a million fighting men if necessary.40 Episcopal Bishop Henry C. Lay
of Arkansas who visited City Point on a pass provided by General
Sherman , described the scene as, "not merely profusion, but extravagance,
wagons, tents, artillery, ad libitum . Soldiers provided with
everything, comforts of all sorts." *±

To funnel this food and material to the soldiers Grant built a
military railroad and hooked it onto the existing Petersburg-City
Point Line. Horace Porter observed the railroad and remarked, "Its

undulations were so marked that a train moving along it looked in

4?
the distance like a fly crawling on a corrugated washboard."

The railroad was small by today's standards but it did its job

well and the Union army nevered suffered from want of supplies.

As City Point grew into a large city, union "officials began to worry
about the defense of the depot. Confederate lines were not too
distant and the threat of a quick cavalry raid was ever present.
To meet this threat , Grant ' s engineers ran a fortified defense line

40 Boykin, p. 116 .

41 Ibid., p. 117 .

42 Ibid,, p. 118 . 159

behind City Point. They lined this defense perin^ter with eight forts.
In the map below we can see this defense line as well as the siege
lines at Petersburg.

3 3 5. Plan of Operations

i Petersburg and Richmond

54-1865.

2: William Swinton

igns of the Army of the

ac New York, Charles

ler's Sons, 1882.

of
OPERATIONS

Richmond .<•• Petersburg

Bt.Col.VT.H. P*ui<e 'rEJTf inter.

Names of Union Forts Around Petersburg. (See Map.)

Fort McGilvery.

Fort Howard.

Fort Steadman.

Fort Wadsworth.

Fort Hascall.

Fort Dushane.

Fort Morton.

Fort Davison.

Fort Meikle.

Fort McMahon.

Fort Rice.

Fort Stevenson.

Fort Sedgwick, or Fort Hell

Fort Blaisdel.

Fort Davis.

Fort Patrick Kelley

Fort Prescott.

Fort Bross.

Fort Alexander Hayes.

Forts on the Prolongation of the Lines West of the Weldon

Fort Keene.

Fort Urmston.

Fort Conahey.

Fort Fisher.

Fort Welch.

Fort Gregg.

Fort Wheaton.

Fort Sampson.

Fort Cummings

Fort Emory.

Fort Siebert.

Fort Clarke.

Forts Protecting City Point.

0. Fort Abbott.

P. Fort Craig.

Q. Fort Graves.

R. Fort McKeen.

S. Fort Lewis 0. Morris

T. Fort Merriam.

U. Fort Gould.

V. Fort Porter.

Names of Certain Rebel Forts Around Petersburg.

a. Colquit's Salient.

b. Pegram's Battery, the fort blown

up at the mine explosion

c. Reeves' Salient.

Fort Mahone.

Fort New Orleans

Fort Lee.

X. Fort Harrison (en Chapin's Farm, north of James River.) °

43 Hyland C. Kirk, A History of the New York Heavy Artillery (C-T.
Dillingham, New York) , pp. 364-366.

161

Behind this line of forts the engineers ran a fortified line manned
by many well-gunned redoubts. On the map of City Point this line runs
from point 5A to point 8K. The following pictures show some of the
details of this line.

162

Figure 3 6. Defense lines around City Point.
Source: Mollus Collection #771

163

a/Ail ■* !••-*».!■ -i'; J

Figure 3 7. Defense lines around City Point
Source: Mollus Collection # 1337

164

Construction details on the defense lines are lacking but we do know
that companies A,B,C,D, and E of the Eighteenth New Hampshire
Volunteers under the command of Captain Potter was kept at work
erecting fortifications from October 4, 1864 until some time in
December. 44 The forts were about two miles in front of City Point.
These fortifications comprised three and two -thirds miles of works
and extended from the Appomattox on the North to Bailey's Creek on
the South.

The inner line of defense was much closer to Grant's headquarters and
consisted of sharpened branches piled high in a row behind which a
deep ditch was constructed and sharpened spikes were implanted. The
Eighteenth New Hampshire labored on construction projects at City
Point throughout the winter of 1864-1865, and left us a good description
of life in their command at City Point during these months.

For winter life at City Point, in its camp on a high and
dry plateau about two miles west of the James and half a
mile south of the Appomattox, the battalion built log
huts of the pine which was abundant in the vicinity. The
skill in wood-craft, which was common" among the men of the
Eighteenth, here came into good use, and there was warm
rivalry between the companies. The pine forests close at
hand were drawn upon for the materials for the walls. The
soil furnished the clay and the brigade quartermaster, axes,

44 Thomas L. Livermore History of the Eighteenth New Hampshire
Volunteers 1864-1865 (Tort Hill Press, Boston, 1904), p. 36.

shovels, picks, and wheelbarrows. Logs of the straight -grained
native pine, ten to twelve feet long, were cut longitudinally in
half; smoothed with the axe on the split side, the halves
were set up on end in trenches two feet deep, with the bark, or a
roughly hewn surface, on the exterior. Projecting several
them out of the ground the walls thus made gave sufficient
head room . The joints were thoroughly plastered with clay.
The pieces of canvas, six feet square, one of which served
each man as his portion of a "shelter tent," were laid over
a ridge pole for a roof. Doors were made of boards split
from the timber and hewn with the axe. Fitting an aperture
at one end or side of the wall a fireplace was laid up of
bricks when they were found, or of stones thickly coated with
clay, topped with a chimney of sticks "cob -house fashion,"
coated with clay on the inner surface, and generally prolonged
with an empty \ and headless beef or pork barrel. Each hug -
eight feet by twelve, or twelve feet by sixteen - was for
four or more men. The ambitious band house was sixteen feet
by twenty- four. The officers' huts were rather larger than
the men's, and each served for three or less. Bunks were
built which raised the beds above the ground a foot or two,
and sometimes a bunk above made the "double-decker." Tables,
chairs and cupboards were also made, and sometimes neither
bunk, bed, nor furniture contained a nail, for wooden pins
in holes bored by the solitary "bitstock" in the command,
made all fast. Doors were often hung on improvised wooden
hinges. Wood was cut and drawn to camp and prepared for use
according to the custom of New Hampshire yeomen at home
in preparation for a New England winter. At Christmas
time the houses were handsomely hung outside with evergreen.
Although these quarters were narrow they were ■comfortable,
and life in them during waking hours was made sociable and
agreeable with tales, songs, and merriment. The company
cooks, who had served their apprenticeship with the lumber-
men of the Connecticut and Merrimac and' 'the New Hampshire
lakes , were at home in cooking for the men who labored
on the earthworks for the defense of City Point.

45 Ibid. , pp. 38-40.

166

Below we can see a picture of the camp of the Eighteenth New
Hampshire Volunteers.

'&&:

li»*

■■ -:?v*«?

55*7 W

••'"f^ -.' ■ *

■ ■ ,"*Tt* y a ytiry-y ■

Figure 38 . Camp of the Eighteenth New Hampshire Volunteers at City

Point, Va.
Source: Thomas L. Livermore History of the Eighteenth New Hampshire
Volunteers 1864-1865, Boston, Fort Hill Press, 1904, p. 39.

By December 1864 the defense and engineering work was completed

and the regiment went into the trenches at Petersburg.

Ibid . , p. 41.

167

There were at least three separate attempts to breach the security of
City Point. The first occurred in the afternoon of August 9, 1864
and endangered the life of U.S. Grant. According to Porter, Grant
had returned to City Point and was setting in front of his tent
surrounded by several staff officers:

General Sharpe, the assistant provost-marshal -general,
had been telling him that he had a conviction that there were
spies in the camp at City Point, and had proposed a plan for
detecting and capturing them. He had just left the general
when, at twenty minutes to twelve, a terrific explosion shook
the earth, accompanied by a sound which vividly recalled
the Petersburg mine, still fresh in the memory of every one
present. Then there rained down upon the party a terrific
shower of shells, bullets, boards, and fragments of timber.
The general was surrounded by splinters and various kinds
of ammunition, but fortunately was not touched by any of
the missiles. Babcock of the staff was slightly wounded in
the right hand by a bullet, one mounted orderly and several
horses were instantly killed, and three orderlies were
wounded. In a moment all was consternation. On rushing to
the edge of the bluff, we found that the cause of the explosion
was the Blowing up of a boat loaded with ordnance stores
which lay at the wharf at the foot of the hill. Much damage
was done to the wharf, the boat was entirely destroyed, all
the laborers employed on it were killed, and a number
of men and horses near the landing were fatally injured.
The total casualties were forty- three killed and forty
wounded. The general was the only one p£ the party who
remained unmoved; he did not even leave his seat to run
to the bluff with the others to see what had happened. Five
minutes afterward he went to his writing table and sent a
telegram to Washington, notifying Halleck of the occurrence.
No one could surmise the cause of the explosion, and the
general appointed the president of a board of officers to
investigate the matter. We spent several days in taking the
testimony of all the people who were in sight of the occurrence,
and used every possible means to probe the matter; but as all
the men aboard the boat had been killed, we could obtain no
satisfactory evidence. It was attributed by most of those
present to the careless handling of the ammunition by the

168

laborers who were engaged in unloading it; but there was a
suspicion in the minds of many of us that it was the work of
some emissaries of the enemy sent into the lines. •

rt was only seven years later that Grant learned the explosion

was no accident but the result of a bomb planted on the ordnance

stores by a confederate agent. 48

After this accident members of Grant's staff began to think how
easily Grant might be assassinated. To prevent this, one officer
always stayed on watch outside of Grant's tent after he retired for
the night. This was a personal obligation and was arranged by the
officers at Grant's headquarters without his knowledge at the time. 49

In the photograph below taken after the explosion, the debris and
damage caused by the blast is still visible.

A second attempt was made on the defense at City Point on September 16,
1864, when Confederate scouts reported a large number of cattle in a
camp at Coggin's Point, Virginia, which was located ten miles from
Grant's Headquarters at City Point. The Confederates started for the

47 Porter, pp. 273-274 .

48 Ibid. , p. 274 .

49 Ibid.

169

170

cattle on September 17, 1864 after pushing aside the union guards
rounded up 2,500 cattle, which were promptly delivered to Lee's
hungry men. Materially, the loss to the Union Army was insignificant
as was the gain for Lee's troops. Tactically, the raid showed the
need to strengthen the defenses at City Point. An ever present
threat from a Confederate cavalry dash was always possible. It
was shortly after this event that the Eighteenth New Hampshire began
its work on strengthing the fortifications around City Point. The
most serious attempt on the defenses at City Point by the
Confederates was made on January 25, 186 5, when several Confederate
warships made a dash down the river to Grant's headquarters. An
observer described the event as follows :

The first desperate attempt to relieve himself was made by
Lee on the 24th of January, when three iron-clads and three
wooden vessels, with a flotilla of torpedo-boats, came down
the James river, intending to run the batteries, take City
Point, and thus cut off the base of supplies for the whole
army, and divide the forces north and south of the James.
A large rebel force was massed north of the river to make
an overwhelming assault on the army there, as soon as City
Point was reached. A high tower, erected at the latter place
for observation by Grant, was to be set on fire as a signal
of success, and at the same time, of attack. The vessels
came boldly down in the darkness, and it was soon evident
that we had nothing on shore of in the river that could stop
their progress., and consternation seized our army along
the banks. Most of our gun boats were away with Porter,
and the Onondaga, on guard, retreated down the river without

171

attempting a defense. By good fortune, or rather through an
over-ruling Providence, the iron-calds ran aground, and were
stopped midway in their triumphant career. 50

Grant and the Ihion Army had a narrow escape. Had City Point been
occupied by Lee, if only for a short time, Union supplies would
have disappeared.

Additional fortifications were constructed throughout the winter.
Lining the south bank of the James were batteries emplaced to
enfilade three peninsulas that became extensions of the City Point
base-Jordan's, Indian and Coggin's Point. Lookout towers sprouted
along the shore ,manned around the clock by army signalman. "

In the end, the defenses of City Point held and no serious disruption
occurred as a result of Confederate interference. City Point
functioned efficiently and did the job assigned to it. The Union
Army was supplied, and Grant lived there for ten months in peace
and security.

50 J.T. Headly, Grant and Sherman Their Campaigns and Generals
(E.B. Treat $ Co., New York, 18661, p. 118.

51 Boykin, p. 119 .

172

Chapter IV
Logistics and Communications at City Point

The Civil War was the first large scale conflict involving
an industrial nation in the nineteenth century. Because
of this, it revealed, for the first time, many trends in
modern warfare that would become readily apparent in the
twentieth century. These trends are most easily observed
in the area of logistics and communications.

The Industrial Revolution came to America almost forty
years before the start of the American Civil War. As the
years of the nineteenth century passed, America began to
change from a rural agrarian society of small farmers to
a commercial and industrial society. This change occurred
throughout the entire country, but in the years immediately
prior to 18 61, this change was most frequent and far rang-
ing in the Northern states. While the North welcomed new
immigration and the construction of factories, the South
seemed determined to cling to its previous style of life.

The industrial revolution meant a substitution of machine
skill and strength for human skill and strength, and
inanimate power for animate power. These changes meant

773

that dull and monotonous tasks could be performed by
machines that never tired or made a mistake. Goods which
had previously been scarce and expensive could now be
produced cheaply and in abundance. New breakthroughs in
transportation, such as the building of canals and railroads
meant that heavy industrial goods could be shipped cheaply
to distant markets. As a result of these changes the face
of America was forever altered.

The impact of the Industrial Revolution on the war-making
capacity of the North was also profound. By 1861, for
the first time in modern history, a modern industrial
power stood on the threshold of a major war. The result
of this was a great increase in military violence. Only
80 years before, George Washington could raise and equip
relativly small armies. The men were available but the
means to equip and feed them for extended periods of time
were lacking. Wars cost money and required an economic
surplus generated by the society. Colonial America,
although rich by the standards of the day, was not rich
enough to fight a long sustained war over a period of
years, involving large numbers of men. Washington's army
remained small, and the use of locally recruited and part-
time militia was encouraged.

174

The Civil War showed how far America had progressed as an
industrial power. Large armies were raised by the North
and kept in the field for years at a time. Troops could
be shifted back and forth between the fighting fronts with
relative ease. The longer the war lasted, the stronger the
North grew. Military loses were slight in terms of the
total population, and northern factories produced all the
war material that was needed. Northern farms also pro-
duced an abundance of food that could be shipped to the
fighting fronts.

By way of contrast, the South became weaker as the war pro-
gressed. Few factories were located in the south and
machines rapidly became unserviceable due to the lack of
spare parts. Even in the best years, Lee's army was short
of supplies. The lack of adequate supplies and the means
to transport them meant that Lee could never invade the
North in a way equal to Grant's invasion of Virginia in
1861. Lee's movement into Pennsylvania in 1863 was a
large scale raid, which had to end when supplies ran low.
The North held the decisive edge in the Civil War because
of the Industrial Revolution and City Point tells this

7 75

story better than any other place in American history.
If City Point is important at all, it is because of the
fact that it was the main supply depot for the Union
armies besieging Petersburg. Here, at City Point, the
threads of the Industrial Revolution were woven into the
fabric of northern victory.

The following pictures illustrate this with various
scenes of — from the docks at City Point as army laborers
struggle to unload the many ships that landed supplies
every day.

176

iJA—tf.

URE 40 ,

Negro laborers unloading supplies at the docks at City Point.
RCE: Petersburg National Battlefield, Petersburg, Virginia, File #9
Soldiers Life.

riverfront at City Point.

Petersburg National Battlefield , Petersburg , Virginia , File #18,
Logistics and Communications .

**j *'- £* N if* •■•'^i^-_ ^~

FIGURE 4 2

The riverfront at City Point.
Source: Library of Congress §16173 B 8184-10501

779

FIGURE

Unloading Supplies at City Point.
Source: Library of Congress # 111-13-94

7 *t)

On an average day forty steamers, seventy-five sailing
ships and one hundred barges would unload supplies at City
Point. The wharves lined the James River for more than a
mile and then turned up the Appomattox River . For a few
short months City Point was one of the great seaports of
the world.

Regis De Trobriand, an eyewitness to the activities,
described his impression:

My baggage having arrived, I left
on the evening of the 12th for City Point,
where I arrived about four o'clock in the
afternoon. Steamboats and sailing ves-
sels, transports and lighters of all kinds,
encumbered the river near the improvised
wharves on which they were still working.
Higher up, towards Richmond, the eye could
distinguish at a distance the turrents of
the monitors, which appeared to stand out
of the water, and the gunboats, on which
enormous pivot guns were visible. The
river bank, rising up high, had been clear-
ed and levelled, so as to make room for
storehouses for supplies, and for a station
for the railroad. All this had sprung out
of the earth as if by magic, in less than
a month. The railroad ran behind the
docks; the locomotives were running back and
forth, leaving long plumes of smoke, and on
the ground trails of coals and sparks of
fire. All was activity and movement.
Legions of negroes were discharging the
ships, wheeling dirt, sawing the timber,
and driving piles. Groups of soldiers
crowded around the sutlers' tents; horsemen
in squadrons went down to the river to water
their horses. And, on the upper plateau,

7 S 7

huts of different forms and sizes over-
looked the whole scene below. A great vil-
lage of wood and cloth was erected there,
where a few weeks before were but two or
three houses. ^

Once the stores and men were landed at City Point they
would be loaded directly into a waiting train and be taken
to the front. City Point provided the link between an
efficient water transportation system and a rail trans-
portation system. Without this supply link, Grant's
siege of Petersburg would have been impossible. In the
following two contemporary prints, we can see supplies
and men being transferred from ship to train and from
train to ship on the dock at City Point. These scenes
were repeated dozens of times every day throughout the
siege.

/-■

1 Regis De Trobriand, Four Years with the Army of the
Potomac (Ticknor and Co., Boston, 1889) p. 544.

182

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The U.S. Military Railroad at City Point was built on
the tracks of the previously existing City Point Rail-
road. Grant chose City Point for his headquarters com-
plex because of the existence of the City Point Railroad
and the good water transportation available on the James
River .

The City Point Railroad predated the Civil War by many
years. As early as 1833, Benjamin Cocke, the father of Dr.
Richard Eppes, signed a petition presented to the General
Assembly of Virginia, requesting permission to build a rail-
road from Petersburg to City Point to replace the badly
worn road. The City Point Railroad was incorporated on
January 26, 183 6, and construction on the line began the
following April. The entire length of the railroad was
ten miles from City Point to Petersburg. Soon after the
railroad was completed, a wharf was also proposed at City
Point which would "admit vessels of the largest class,
alongside, that reached City Point, together with suitable

cranes for effecting the transition of produce and goods

between the car on the roads and the vessels."

John W. Starr, Jr., One Hundred Years of American

Railroading (Dodd, Mead & Co., New York, 1928) p. 163.

185

When the railroad was built, City Point was a small
community that was home to between 90 to 100 residents.
In the town there were twenty-five dwellings, three taverns,
three retail shops, a school, a post office and a church.
There were five wharves and a small mill making flour.
City Point could also boast of having one doctor.

By December 1838, City Point Railroad showed a total of
twelve officials and employees on the payroll. Included
in this total was a superintendent, captain of the train,
an overseer of the road, a fireman, one watchman, and six
laborers. The rolling stock consisted of two six-wheel
locomotives, valued at over $13,000, 28 four-wheel freight
cars, one eight-wheel and two four-wheel passenger cars.

Although more information on the rolling stock of the City
Point Railroad at this time is lacking, we can assume that
the engines were ordered from the Baldwin Locomotive Works

^Lutz, p. 131.
4 Starr, p. 163.

186

of Philadelphia and supplied to City Point by boat. A
picture of the Baldwin Locomotive Works most successful
model in 1836 follows:

■^The Baldwin Locomotive Works produced almost all of
America's steam engines in the 1830 ' s, and had shipped
several successful models to southern railways prior to
1836. It is logical to assume that the engines at the
City Point Railroad were also built by Baldwin.

*H5EVc*?**-~ "*"

,/"

RE 46

is engine was named
Black Hawk and was
first Baldwin engine
se outside cylinders

as Baldwin' s most
essful model during
1830' s .
CE:

P. Alexander Iron
es , American Loco-
ves 1829-1900 ,
nza Books, New York.

<£-

<M-

188

The engine was named the Black Hawk and was the first
Baldwin engine to use outside cylinders. It was also the
first to use the method of transmitting part of the tender ' s
weight to the locomotive in order to increase traction.
It was the most advanced locomotive of its day.

The City Point Railroad never became a financially success-
ful venture. Revenues remained low, while costs of salaries
and repairs began to grow. In 1847, the Corporation of
Petersburg acquired possession of the line and renamed
it the Appomattox Railroad. The line became the property .
of the South Side Railroad in 1854, and finally in 1887, it
became part of the present Norfolk and Western System. ^

The story of the City Point Railroad reflects the history
of modern industrial development in the South before 1861.
Railroads and industry were present but not sufficiently
developed to fight a war with the North on an equal basis.
The industry and railroads that were present were absolutely
vital to the success of the Confederate army.

^E. P. Alexander, Iron Horses (Bonanza Books, New York,
1941) pp. 50-51.

7
Starr, p. 165.

1S9

By 1864, the supply of Lee's Army of Northern Virginia had
become a railroad problem, since food supplies in Virginia
were exhausted. Both prestige and sentiment also forced
Lee to defend Richmond; an additional reason to defend the
city was that important manufacturing plants and arsenals
were located there. If Richmond were to be held, and Lee's
army supplied, Southern railroads had to do the job. It
was for this reason that Petersburg was so important to
the Confederate cause — the railroads connecting Richmond
with the deep south ran through Petersburg. It was not
necessary for Grant to take Richmond, all he had to do was
to seize Petersburg and cut off supplies, and Richmond and
Lee's army must then surrender. Both Lee and Grant were
concerned with railroads in the Spring of 1864. Both were
dependent on them for supplies and new recruits. At
Petersburg, while Lee was defending his logistical supply
lines to the south, Grant was developing his. The success
of the Union water and rail communications at City Point
translated into victory for Grant and the end of the war.

190

The United States Military Railroads

Early in the war the Federal government recognized the
need to control and use railroads for military purposes.
In an act dated January 31, 18 62 the Federal government
set up the machinery for an agency to control the opera-
tions of captured Southern railroads, and on February 11,
1862, Daniel C. McCallum was appointed military director
and superintendent of railroads in the United States.
McCallum had authority to take possession of railroads,
rolling stock, and equipment and to operate such lines
as might be required for the transport of troops, arms

and ammunition and military supplies. As a result of
this action the foundation was laid for the creation of
the United States Military Railroads.

In addition to establishing government control over cap-
tured lines, the Act of January 31, 1862 gave the govern-
ment the authority to order the nation's railroads to
transport troops and the necessities /of war to the exclu-
sion of all other business. McCallum had sweeping power

^George B. Abdill, Civil War Railroads (Superior Pub-
lishing Co., Seattle) p. 9.

9 Ibid.

7 9 7

to take over any railroad or railroad equipment needed
to transport troops or military supplies. He did his
job well, and caused little friction with the civilian
owners of the lines he used. His major problem was to
prevent various union officers from interfering with his
trains, and to force local commanders to unload and release
empty cars that were needed elsewhere. By 1866, when
McCallum made his final report the U.S., Military Rail-
roads controlled 611 miles of track. 10

Grant had acquired some experience in siege warfare at
Vicksburg, and even before his arrival at City Point he
ordered the construction of a railroad behind the lines
to supply his army. Grant directed Mr. C. L. McAlpine,
engineer of construction and repairs, to proceed to City
Point and Petersburg as soon as possible. McAlpine
arrived on June 18, 1864, and began to build the railroad. ^

McAlpine found the old City Point Railroad tracks in a
state of complete disrepair and began' to build almost from

10 See Appendix VTI f or details.

i:L Badeau, 111, p. 2.

12see Appendix VIII for a complete description of the con-
struction history of the U. S. Military Railroad at City Point

7 92

scratch. The men of the construction corps worked hard,
and on July 7 , 1864 the line was fully constructed and
running men and material to the front. *■■* Supplies now
moved easily to the troops in the trenches.

By following the Military Railroad base map of City Point,
it is possible to locate many of the structures shown on
contemporary photographs. In the following picture we can
see the unfinished engine house at City Point on September
1, 1864 (Map reference 10-11, L-M) .

13 0. R. Ill, V, p. 70.

193

, ;f if.-ii. '". r Um 'I — itf ti*fa» ..«r--«** — '■ -r- ■* — V.V

^ o <=^

194

URE 4? • u ^ a + rifu Point on September 1, 1864.

Unfinished engine house at City Point on p ^^

zee: George B. Abdill Civil War Railroads, New

za Books,

1961, p. 2

The U.S.M.R.R. locomotive at the left is the Lt. General
Grant, built by Rogers, Ketcham & Grosvenor in 1852, Shop
No. 326, and named the Delaware for the Central Railroad
of New Jersey. This engine was acquired second-hand by
the U.S.M.R.R. and was refitted by the Army in the
Alexandria Shops with a Mason bell stand and a headlight
bracket. Her cylinders were also rebored. A new cab
stand was also applied. " The engine behind her is the

"1 c

Baldwin locomotive General Dix. J Between May 1862 and
June 18 64, the Baldwin locomotive Works at Philadelphia

built thirty-three engines for the United States Military

16
Railroads. The following two pictures show the engine

house at a later date.

14 Abdill, p. 2.
15 Ibid.

l^Fred Westing, The Locomotives that Baldwin Built
(Bonanza Books, New York), p. 43.

796

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FIGURE 48

Railroad engines at City Point.
Source: Library of Congress #56531 BH841-32

797

The engine house and new track being worked on.

Figure 49

The engine house and new track construction
Source: Library of Congress #111-B-5182 .

198

These two pictures show the engine house and water tanks
from two different views. In the first picture we can
see three locomotives. The engine on the right foreground,
with her tender reversed, is the President, an old East-
wick & Harrison 4-4-0 that was confiscated by Federal

forces from the Winchester & Potomac Railroad, which ran

17
to Harper's Ferry. The cars coupled ahead of the Presi-
dent are loaded with material being used to create a fill
to the left of the three tracks leading to the engine
house. A track was later laid on this fill leading to a
turntable, which was installed at the left of the engine
house. ° This turntable is located on line L between points
10 and 11 of the base map.

17 Ibid. , p. 103.

Ibid.

799

'IGURE 5

These three photos show the track leading to the turntable beside
the engine house.

'OURCE: Edwin P. Alexander, Civil War Railroads and Models , New York,
Crown Publishers , Inc., p. 223.

200

Water supply for both men and locomotives along the line
often created a serious problem. Water was often scarce
and of poor quality. To overcome this problem, troops
were instructed to dig wells from twelve to fifteen feet
deep in areas where water was known to occur. To protect
the water from the heat of the sun, canopies were erected

over the wells, and as a result, both the locomotives and

19
men had a cool supply of water.

The photograph below was taken at the water tanks at City
Point. The location is just north of line 10, between
points M and N on the base map. The tanks are wooden tubs

about twelve feet in diameter and eight feet deep,

20
placed upon a wood-framed stand. In this photograph

we see a good broadview of one of the 4-4-0 type wood-
burners built by R. Norris & Son. The engine is probably
the Governor Nye. Behind the water tank at left is the
spur track leading out on a trestle to the Magazine Wharf,
where munitions for Grant's army was unloaded for transfer
to the freight cars.

Rauscher, pp. 188-189.

20 Abdill, p. 103.

201

IGURE 51

The water tanks at City Point.
•ource: Library of Congress §56530 B8171-2513

202

In the following two pictures we can see the spur track
leading out to the ordnance wharf (from point 10M to
point 9Q) . The ordnance wharf was probably constructed
after the August 9, munitions explosion which claimed
many lives. It was built five hundred feet into the
river to minimize the effect of any future disaster.
Fortunately, none occurred.

203

; «

* (.

GVRE 5 2 {'

Spur track leading to the ordnance wharf 7 '
URCE : Petersburg National Battlefield , Petersburg , Virginia , File
§18, Logistics and Communications

Ordnance Mart

204

53
nance wharf at City Point
t Library of Congress #16173 B8184-10503

205

The following picture shows the north end of the engine
house just before the bend in the tracks leading to the
water front. (Map location Line 11, between points L and
M) . The railroad car in the second picture (same location)
belonged to President Lincoln. The last two pictures show
an early wharf and other structures under construction.

206

end of the engine house just before the bend in the tracks
\g to the water front.
Library of Congress #56530 RS252-29438 .

207

55
•ident Lincoln' s private railroad car at City Point
Library of Congress §56531 RS B4825-15.

208

FIGURE 5 6

Wharf construction at City Point

FIGURE 5 7

Construction of a temporary trestle and additional structures .

SOURCE: E. P. Alexander , Civil War Railroads and Models , pp. 224-
225.

209

Traveling North along the tracks toward the water front
(between lines 11 and 12 and L and M), we see in the follow-
ing photograph the 4-4-0 engine, Col. A. Beckwith. This
engine, formerly named the P.H. Watson, was built by R.
Norris & Son and was received by the Military Railroad

on June 23, 1863. At the close of the war, the engine was

21
sold to the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad for $10,500. In

the background of this photograph can be seen a footpath
and crude steps cut into the bank leading up to a com-
missary building, and other structures occupied by the
Army Quartermaster Corps.

Abdill, p. 101.

'■¥-">

FIGURE 5 8

United States Military Railroad engine at City Point
SOURCE: Mollus Collection §5670.

- ^ .i. r »,, rur ii i I n -. »r. .,-^,n- ,.^ >-»- > M .,. ^■•C ( j 'f n- w ' i W . <■«■' ■.« .»? .■»«,.» t .1.^. .»».■■ ,M J < ." >.. . P , «n .^ ,. ,.,1 ^.'il >i . V -j^-.

BauMjttM^a ■•---■*

211

The next picture shows an engine of the U. S. Military
Railroad traveling on the bank of the James river (located
between lines 14 and 15 and L and M on the base map) . To
the left of the trains can be seen a six-horse team and
wagon ready to carry supplies. In spite of the industrial
efficiency of the railroads at City Point the horse and mule
were still indispensable.

FIGURE '59

Horse and mule transportation at City Point
SOURCE: Abdill p. 101.

A
Traveling further north, in the nexf picture we can see an

unfinished warehouse along the water front. (Points 16 to

19 and L to J on the base map) . The picture was probably

taken in late July or in early August, 18 64. The engine in

212

the picture appears to be a 4-4-0 engine built by
Danforth, Cooke & Company, and is typical of the motive
power at City Point. This engine had 54 inch driving wheels

and cylinders 16 by -22 inches. It weighed 62,000 lbs. and

was intended for general freight service.

^ 2 E. p. Alexander, Iron Horses (Bonanza Book, New York)
p. 136.

213

GURE 60

Unfinished warehouse and railroad engine along the waterfront
July 5 , 1864.

URCE: Library of Congress #56530 RS B8184-795 .

214

In the next picture we can see a more detailed version of
this same engine in civilian use.

215

276

The next picture shows the dock area further down the
James River (points 20 and 22 and G to B on the base map)
This is near the area of Grant's cabin and Appomattox
Manor. It is interesting to note that even though we are
now past the main docking area and warehouses, there is
still considerable activity.

217

area at City Point July 5, 1864.
Library of Congress §56530 RS B8184-796

218

The railroad not only carried supplies and men to the
the fighting front, but was also adapted for direct
military use. Included among the big guns at Petersburg
was a thirteen-inch seacoast mortar in the inventory of
the 1st Connecticut Artillery commanded by Colonel Henry
L. Abbott. Its extreme weight of seventeen thousand pounds
rendered it almost unmanageable under field conditions. "*
This gun could throw a two-hundred pound projectile nearly
two miles. General Benjamin Butler mounted this mortar
on a heavily reinforced railroad flat car (see following
picture) . The "Dictator" or the "Petersburg Express" as
the weapon was variously known, was highly successful and
was used within easy range of Confederate lines. It was
placed on a curved siding so that the direction of fire
could easily be changed by rolling the car a few feet in
either direction.

With a nominal charge of fourteen pounds of powder, the
recoil would shift the mortar less _than two feet on the car
and move the car about a dozen feet along the track. The
principal target of the "Dictator" was the Confederate's

23 Sylvester, pp. 311-312.
24 Ibid.

279

"Chesterfield Battery," which was situated on the banks

of the Appomattox River and maintained an annoying enfilade

fire along the Federal lines. " Occasionally, fire from

the Dictator would overshoot the Confederate line and reach
Petersburg.

Ibid.

220

6 3
mortar "Dictator" in front of Petersburg , Va.
Library of Congress #56530 B8184-B269 .

221

In the next picture the "Dictator" is seen resting in a
semi-permanent position on the tracks near the front.

222

FIGURE 64

SOulaT^V'l reSt±n f in ^mi-permanent position
SOURCE: Library of Congress #57340

223

Working on the trains at City Point could occasionally be
dangerous. Rebel gunners would listen for the trains and
fire at them. Rebel snipers and sharpshooters would also
try to pick off the engineers on the trains. Generally,
these efforts were unsuccessful, but the tension and shell

fire made the civilian engineers some of Uncle Sam's best

o f,
paid employees. ° The following picture shows some of

the superintendents and conductors in a more relaxed

setting.

/-'

26 - -'

The demand for skilled locomotive engineers was great,

and experienced men were recruited from all over the North

to handle the throttles on the military lines. The engineers

ranked at the top of the operating crews' wage scale. Their

pay averaged $3.00 per day. Fireman made $1.75, conductors

$1.66 and brakemen about $1.33.

224

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225

A rebel battery of Whitworth guns did most of the shooting
at the trains, and many men in the ranks would run out from
the trenches after the shooting was over and pick up the
unexploded rebel shells as curiosities. '

All through the Fall and Winter, as Grant kept extending
his lines, the military engineers kept building the rail-
road behind him. Grading was held to a minimum and the
worst spots were bridged with extensive trestles built
almost overnight. Some of the resulting grades were so
steep that many onlookers wondered how a locomotive could
ever make the climb. The men in the construction camps
knew their business and the trains kept the army supplied.

City Point kept the men in the ranks well equipped and
supplied during the siege. According to one private, "the
army fared better on the lines before Petersburg than at
any other time in my experience." 2 ** Food -was plentiful and
varied. A list of the rations included salt pork, fresh
beef, salt beef, ham and bacon, hard/ bread, soft bread,
potatoes, onions, flour, beans, split peas, rice, dried

27 Charles M. Clark, M.D. The History of the Thirty-
ninth Regiment, Illinois Volunteer Veteran Infantry (Chicago,
1889) pp. 218-219.

2 ^warren Lee Gross, Recollections of a Private (Thomas
Y. Crowell & Co. , New York) p. 33.

226

apples, desiccated vegetables, coffee, tea, sugar, molasses,

vinegar, candles, soap, pepper and salt. J

Not all of this was served at one time, but the troops did
enjoy a varied diet. In addition to army rations the
Sanitary Commission supplied fruit and vegetables and
other luxuries. Wagons loaded with fresh produce were
driven along the lines, and the articles were place directly
in the hands of the men who would consume them. The men
also had access to sutlers, who followed the army and sold
almost anything that could realize a profit. Numerous
sutler establishments were located at City Point near
Grant's Headquarters. (Between lines 17 and 18, B and I)
Sutlers sold butter, bologna sausages, pies, self -rising
flour, liquor (unofficially), canned fruits, sweet potatoes
and pots and pans. Sutlerships at City Point and elsewhere
were eagerly sought after, and could return an enormous
profit. 31 Considering the lack of supplies on the other
side of the line, the Union soldiers in the trenches before
Petersburg were rich men.

29 John D. Billings, Hardtack and Coffee (R.R. Donnelley
& Sons, Chicago, I960), p. 111.

-^Charles J. Stil^ History of the U.S. Sanitary Commission
(Philadelphia, J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1866), p. 399.

3 lDonald P. Spear, "The Sutler in the Union Army," Civil
War History , June, 1970, pp. 122-129.

227

Communications

The modern telegraph and the instant communications it
afforded were indispensable to the operations of the head-
quarters complex at City Point. When Grant assumed the
rank of Lieutenant General, he was given command of the
Armies of the United States. Headquarters were located in
Washington, and with General Grant in the field. This
did not mean that Grant was going to assume respon-
sibility for the day-to-day operations of the Armies of
the United States. Grant had his own hands full with
Lee in the East, and had to rely on trusted subordinates.
However, in terms of major decisions and overall strategy,
Grant was always consulted and very often issued the final
orders. All of this was possible only because of the
existence of the telegraph system.

The telegraph followed Grant into the f iel-d, and he used
it to keep in contact with the various elements of the Army
of the Potomac and with Washington— - Grant had at his dis-
posal all of the resources of the army telegraph and the
fine commercial system of the North. Telegraph operators
were civilian employees of the Quartermaster Corps and had

11%

no official standings. They suffered casualties from
disease, death in battle, wounds and capture, and were
denied pensions after the war. The operators lived a
dangerous life, and often had to work alone in dangerous
and isolated places. They were favorite targets for
Confederate sharpshooters. Writing years after the Wilder-
ness Campaign, one operator, William R. Plum, relates :

In a diary of an operator on the
field, I find: "Very heavy fighting
indeed. The telegraph played an import-
ant part; offices being opened at head-
quarters on the right were under heavy
fire, and one, if not two of them,
retreated in decidedly had order."
(The only instance during the campaign
of an operator being frightened from
his post. "Operator Sam Edwards was
ordered to go there, and did so fearless-
ly, although exposed to great danger."
Edwards and E.A. Hall especially dis-
tinguished themselves for bravery on
many occasions during this campaign.
Rose and W. C. Hall's office, like
most of the others, was within easy
reach of the enemy's guns, and sustained
quite a heavy shelling during the action
at Cold Harbor. One shell passed directly
over their telegraph tent and cut off two
legs of a mule standing near by. On four
other occasions their office was under
fire, and during one of them Captain
McCune, provost marshal at head-quarters
lost a leg. The Eighteenth Corps having
reinforced Grant's army, George Henderson

229

and C. K. Hambright, operators kept
its commander, Smith in telegraphic
communication with Meade's quarters.
The enemy's shells killed a soldier
close by the operators' office, near
Cold Harbor. C. J. Ryan arrived
shortly after and relieved Hambright
at a time when head-quarters was sub-
jected to a galling fire. 32

When Grant arrived at City Point, telegraphic offices were
promptly established in the East Dining Room of Appomattox
Manor. Marks can still be seen on the window sills from
the heavy wires that came into the house. Telegraphic
communication was promptly established with other commands
in the field. The importance of these communication links
between the various armies cannot be over emphasized.
General Sherman discussed the value of the telegraph during
this period and said:

The value of the magnetic telegraph
in war can not be exaggerated, as was
illustrated by the perfect concert of
action between the armies in Virginia and
in Georgia, in all 1864. Hardly a day
intervened when General Grant did not
know the exact state of facts with me,
more than fifteen hundred miles off, as
the wires ran. 33

32william R. Plumb, The Military Telegraph (Jansen,
McClurg & Co., Chicago, 1882), pp. 138-139.

33 ibid., pp. 140-141.

230

Telegraphic operators had to be discreet. They had led
important dispatches containing secret and confidential
information. On occassion, they were suspected of having
leaked this information

After the Battle of the Crater, Meade was very critical
of Burnside's handling of the affair and sent Grant many
messages to this effect. Burnside managed to obtain
copies of this correspondence. Meade learned of this and
was furious, and had Burnside's telegraph operators
arrested and confined with other prisoners to the guard-
house. The two suspected men were eventually tried for
the offense and acquitted. Meade was still furious and
had the two sent away from Petersburg. A short time later,
Meade needed additional telegraph operators and/ since
operators were always in short supply, the two men were
returned to Petersburg and returned to duty. 34

In the next photograph are five men who served as telegraph
operators at City Point in 1864-1865. When Lincoln visited
City Point in 1865, he virtually lived in the telegraph
office in the company of the following men.

Ibid., p. 259.

2 3 7

^c -i^? r •. I ~ J^rA**. % u ~ -t*** h.-« i^E*

riG[7i?E 6 6

Telegraph operators at City Point.
'OURCE : Francis Trevelyan Miller ed . , The Photographic History of the

Civil War, New York, Thomas Yoseloff , 1957. Vol . VIII, p. T59 .

All military telegrams from the front went to City Point
and then to Washington via Fort Powhatan, Jamestown Island,
Yorktown, Fort Monroe, Cherrystone and Wilmington. 35

Wiretapping on the lines always remained a problem. The
most successful and prolonged wiretapping operation of the
war occurred at Petersburg when C. H. Gaston, Lee's con-
fidential operator, tapped union lines from City Point
for six weeks. Although he was unable to read the military
codes and this information was never translated and used by
Lee, he did learn that 2,58 6 cattle were to be landed at
Coggins Point on a certain day. Lee gave this information
to Wade Hampton, who used it to plan his famous raid.

The strategic use of the telegraph to coordinate the move-
ments of the Union Armies can best be seen in the correspond-
ence between Grant and Sherman concerning Sherman ' s march
to the sea.

After the capture of Atlanta the question arose concerning
the next move for Sherman. A discussion immediately took

35 ibid. , p. 260.
36 Miller, vol. 8, p. 364.

233

place concerning the advisability of a march to the sea.

Telegrams went back and forth between the two Generals and
the question was studied by Grant and his officers daily.
On September 10, 1864, Grant sent Sherman the following

telegram.

City Point, Va., Sept. 10, 1864

Major-General Sherman,

Atlanta, Georgia.

So soon as your men are sufficiently rested,
and preparations can be made, it is desirable
that another campaign should be commenced.
We want to keep the enemy constantly pressed
to the end of the war. If we give him no
peace whilst the war lasts, the end cannot
be distant. Now that we have all of Mobile
Bay that is valuable, I do not know but it
will be the best move to transfer Canby's
troops to act upon Savannah, whilst you move
on Augusta. I should like to hear from you,
however, in this matter.

U. S. GRANT

"5 Q

Lieutenant-General .

Sherman replied favorably, and two days after Grant turned

to Col. Horace Porter of his staff and said:

Sherman and I have exchanged ideas
regarding his next movement about as far
as we can by correspondence, and I have
been thinking that it would be well for
you to start for Atlanta to-morrow, and

37 Porter, p. 287.

38 Grant, Memoirs , vol. 11, p. 348

234

talk over with him the whole subject of
his next campaign. We have debated it
so much here that you know my views
thoroughly, and can answer any of Sher-
man's questions as to what I think in
reference to the contemplated movement,
and the action which should be taken in
the various contingencies which may arise.
Sherman's suggestions are excellent, and
no one is better fitted for carrying them
out. I can comply with his views in regard
to meeting him with ample supplies at any
point on the sea-coast which it may be
decided to have him strike for. You can
tell him that I am going to send an expedi-
tion against Wilmington, North Carolina,
landing the troops on the coast north of
Fort Fisher; and with the efficient coopera-
tion of the navy we shall no doubt get
control of Wilmington harbor by the time
he reaches and captures other points on the
sea-coast. Sherman has made a splendid cam-
paign, and the more I reflect upon it the
more merit I see in it. I do not want to
hamper him any more in the future than in
the past with detailed instructions. I want
him to carry out his ideas freely in the
coming movement, and to have all the credit
of its success. Of this success I have no
doubt. I will write Sherman a letter, which
you can take to him. 39

Porter carried out this job successfully and plans for the
march to the sea were crystallized. Porter returned to City
Point on September 27, and reported- to Grant. While Sherman
made his plans, Grant began to grow worried about Hood's
army. Grant made known his concern to Sherman in a telegraph

39 Porter, p. 288

235

on November 1, 1864.

City Point, November 1, 1864 — 6p.m.

Major-General SHERMAN:

Do you not think it advisable, now
that Hood has gone so far north, to
entirely ruin him before starting on your
proposed campaign? I believed and still
believe, if you had started south while
Hood was in the neighborhood of you, he
would have been fared to go after you.
Now that he is far away he might look
upon the chase as useless, and he will
go in one direction while you are push-
ing in the other. If you can see a
chance of destroying Hood's army, attend
to that first, and make your other move
secondary. 40

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General

Sherman was more familiar with the situation and replied on

November 2, 1864.

Rome, Georgia, November 2, 18 64

Lieutenant-General U.S. GRANT, City Point, Virginia

Your dispatch is received. " If I could
hope to overhaul Hood, I would turn against
him with my whole force; then he would
retreat to the southwest, drawing me as a
decoy away from Georgia, -which is his chief
object. If he ventures north of the Tennessee
River, I may turn in that direction, and
endeaver to get below him on his line of
retreat; but thus far he has not gone above

William T. Sherman, Memoirs, (Henry S. King & Co
London, 1875), p. 164.

236

the Tennessee River. General Thomas will
have a force strong enough to prevent his
reaching any country in which we have an
interest; and he has orders, if Hood turns
to follow me, to push for Selma, Alabama.
No single army can catch Hood, and I am
convinced the best results will follow
from our defeating Jeff. Davis's cherished
plan of making me lease Georgia by maneuver
ing. Thus far I have confined my efforts
to thwart this plan, and have reduced bag-^ -
gage so that I can pick up and start in
any directions; but I regard the pursuit
of Hood as useless. Still, if he attempts
to invade Middle Tennessee, I will hold
Decatur, and be prepared to move in that
direction; but, unless I let go of Atlanta,
my force will not be equal to his.

W.T. SHERMAN, Major-General 4 x

Grant was satisfied, and on November 2, 18 64, he telegraphed
Sherman, authorizing him to move according to the plan he
had proposed. Sherman then cut loose from his base, gave
up Atlanta and the railroad back to Chattanooga, and began
his famous march to the sea.

City Point, Virginia, November 2, 1861 —

11:30a.m.
Major-General SHERMAN: /V

Your dispatch of 9 a.m. yesterday is just
received. I dispatched you the same date,
advising that Hood's army, now that it had
worked so far north, ought to be looked upon

41 Ibid. , p. 165.

237

now as the "object." With the force,
however, that you have left with
General Thomas, he must be able to
take care of Hood and destroy him.

I do not see that you can with-
draw from where you are to follow Hood,
without giving up all we have gained in
Territory. I say, then, go on as you
proposes.

4 2
U.S.GRANT, Lieutenant-General

This episode illustrates how Grant used his telegraph service
to exercise control over the other Union armies outside of
the immediate area of City Point. Grant had been appointed
Commander-in-Chief of all the Union armies and he exercised
this control through the use of the telegraph.

Other examples could also be given. In a letter by Adam
Badeau written on July 21, 1865, to George Stuart of the U.
S. Christian Commission, Badeau pointed out that from Grant's
Cabin on the grounds of Dr. Richard Eppes estate great
events occurred.

Here he received the reports of his
great subordinates almost- daily, and sent
them each their orders and their rewards.
Here he watched Sherman's route as he
came across the continent to the sea, and
afterwards along his memorable march through

42 Ibid, p. 166.

238

the Carol inas; from here he dispatched
his instructions to Thomas, which resulted
in the battle of Nashville and the dis-
comfiture of Hood, so that a concentration
of any great force in front of Sherman was
impossible. From here he directed Terry
in the operations which culminated in the
fall of Fort Fisher. From here he directed
Sherman and Schofield, bringing one North-
ward through the Carolinas and the other
Eastward in dead winter across the North,
and then sending him by sea to meet his
great captain at Goldsboro, the cooperation
being so complete that the two armies arriv-
ed one from Nashville and the other from
Savannah, on the same day. Here he received
the Rebel commissioners on their way to meet
President Lincoln; here he ordered Sheridan's
glorious movements, whose importance in pro-
ducing the last great result can hardly be
overestimated; from here he directed Canby
in the campaign whose conclusion was the
fall of Mobile; from here he dispatched
Wilson and Stoneman on their final raids.
Here he received the President, Gen. Sherman,
Gen. Sheridan. Gen. Meade and Admiral Porter
in an interview interesting beyond comparison
in the meeting at one time and place of so
many men of such importance by their talents
and their positions; and here the lamented
Lincoln passed many of the latest hours of
his life before its crowing success had been
achieved. Here the latest orders for all
these generals were penned before the com-
mencement of the great campaign which termi-
nated the war. 43

Just as the railroad and steamship kept the troops supplied
with food and munitions, the Military Telegraph kept Grant, and
his headquarters staff supplied with information. If City

^Badeau Letter, Fairmount Park Files.

239

Point is important at all in the development of military
tactics and in military history, it is because of the
impact of logistics and communications and the way these
problems were handled and solved. It was here at City
Point in 1864 and 1865 that modern industrialized war
first came to America and the world.

240

Chapter V

Lincoln and other Visitors at City Point

Soon after Grant's arrival at City Point on June 15, 18 64,
he began to receive a stream of official and unofficial
visitors. These visitors included everyone from President
Lincoln, to generals in command of other armies, to mem-
bers of Lincoln's cabinet and members of congress. Grant
also received many visits from civilians seeking help.
This stream of visitors soon reached flood proportions and
Grant was forced to post guards around his camp to keep
the curious and favor seekers away.

Grant received his visitors in front of his office tent
and later in the front room of his cabin. A rustic bench
and a number of folding chairs with backs were placed there,
and it was here that important interviews were held. When
secrecy was required, Grant and his visitor would retire to
his office tent.^

President Lincoln and his son Tad arrived at City Point on
Tuesday, June 21, 1864. Porter described the meeting

-'■Porter, p. 212

141

between the two men on that day:

On Tuesday, June 21, a white
river- streamer arrived at the wharf,
bringing President Lincoln, who had
embraced this opportunity to visit
for the first time the armies under
General Grant's immediate command.
As the boat neared the shore, the
general and several of us who were
with him at the time walked down to
the wharf, in order that the general-
in-chief might meet his distinguished
visitor and extend a greeting to him
as soon as the boat made the landing.
As our party stepped aboard, the Presi-
dent came down from the upper deck,
where he had been standing, to the
after-gangway, and reaching out his
long, angular arm, he wrung General
Grant's hand vigorously, and held it
in his for some time, while he
uttered in rapid words his congratu-
lations and expressions of appreciation
of the great task which had been accom-
plished since he and the general had
parted in Washington.

Porter, taking copious notes, recalled the conversation
that followed.

The group then went into the after-
cabin. General Grant said.-: "I hope you
are very well, Mr. President." "Yes, I
am in very good health," Mr. Lincoln
replied; "but I don't feel very comfort-
able after my trip last night on the bay.

2 Ibid., pp. 215-217.

242

It was rough, and I was considerably
shaken up. My stomach has not yet
entirely recovered from the effects."
An officer of the party now saw that
an opportunity had arisen to make
this scene the supreme moment of his
life, in giving him a chance to
soothe the digestive organs of the
Chief Magistrate of the nation. He
said: "Try a glass of champagne, Mr.
President. That is always a certain
cure for seasickness." Mr. Lincoln
looked at him for a moment, his face
lighting up with a smile, and then
remarked: "No, my friend; I have
seen too many fellows seasick ashore
from drinking that very stuff."
This was a knockdown for the officer,
and in the laugh at his expense Mr.
Lincoln and the general both joined
heartily.

General Grant now said: "I know
it would be a great satisfaction for
the troops to have an opportunity of
seeing you, Mr. President; and I am
sure your presence among them would
have a very gratifying effect. I
can furnish you a good horse, and
will be most happy to escort you to
points of interest along the line."
Mr. Lincoln replied: "Why, yes; I
had fully intended to go out and take
a look at the brave fellows who have
fought their way dovnto Petersburg in
this wonderful campaign, and I am
ready to start at any time. "3

Grant introduced Lincoln to members of his staff. The two
men then mounted horses and rode to Meade's and Butler's '

3 Ibid.

243

headquarters. Lincoln was cheered by the troops at the

camp of the colored Eighteenth Corps and was mobbed by enthu-

siatic well wishers.

Always impressionable, the enthusiasm
of the blacks now knew no limits. They
cherred, laughed, cried, sang hymns of
praise, and shouted in their negro dialect,
"God bress Massa Linkumi" "De Lord save
Fader Abraham!" "De day ob jubilee am
come, shuah." They crowded about him and
fondled his horse; some of them kissed his
his hands, while other ran off crying in
triumph to their comrades that they had
touched his clothes. The President rode
with bared head; the tears had started to
his eyes, and his voice was so broken by
emotion that he could scarcely articulate
the words of thanks and congratulation
which he tried to speak to the humble and
devoted men through whose ranks he rode
The scene was affecting in the extreme,
and no one could have witnessed it unmoved. 4

That evening Grant and his staff entertained Lincoln at the
City Point headquarters. Lincoln talked freely and told his
famous stories and all had a good time.

That night Lincoln slept on the boat /that brought him to
City Point. The next day he traveled up river to meet with

4 Ibid., pp. 219-220

144

Admiral Lee and General Butler. Soon after, he returned to
City Point, and then returned to Washington. According to
Porter, Lincoln's visit to the army was a memorable event
and he (Lincoln) and General Grant had a good visit and
that they parted from each other with unfeigned regret, and
both felt that their acquaintence had ripened into a -
genuine friendship.

On Saturday, July 23, 18 64, William H. Seward, the Secretary
of State, visited Grant at City Point. Seward arrived
early in the morning on the steamer, the City of Hudson.
Grant had seen little of the Secretary of State and made
him welcome. After the officers of the staff were presented,
Seward began to talk and talk. Since Seward had been
involved in so many complex negotions, members of Grant's
staff were anxious to hear the details. The first topic
of conversation was the strained state of American rela-
tions with England during the first year of the war, and
especially the Trent Affair. Mr. Seward related the story
to Grant's staff.

The report first received from the
British government gave a most exaggerated
account of the severity of the measures

5 Ibid. , pp. 223-224.

245

which had been employed? but I found
from Commodore Wilkes ' s advices that
the vessel had not been endangered by
the shots fired across her bows, as
charged; that he had simply sent a
lieutenant and a boat's crew to the
British vessel; that none of the
crew even went aboard; that the
lieutenant used only such a show of
force as was necessary to convince
the 'contraband' passengers he wanted
that they would have to go with him
aboard the San Jacinto. The books
on international law were silent on
the subject as to exactly how an act
such as this should be treated; and
as our relations abroad were becoming
very threatening, we decided, after
a serious discussion, that whatever
was to be done should be done promptly,
and that, under all the circumstances,
it would be wise and prudent to release
the prisoners captured, rather than con-
tend for a principle which might not
have been sound, and run the risk of be-
coming involved in a war with Great
Britain at that critical period. The
great desire of the Davis government was
to have this incident embroil us in such
a war, and we were not anxious to please
it in the respect. Our decision in the
matter was the severest blow the Con-
federacy received in regard to its hope
of 'assistance from abroad. '"6

Seward continued with a discussion of the recent destruc-
tion of the Alabama, and Louis Napoleon's efforts to estab-
lish an empire in Mexico. After additional conversation, '

6 Ibid., pp. 253-254.

246

Seward visited some of the nearer army camps and traveled

up the James River to visit General Butler. Seward left City

Point that same day to keep an appointment at Norfolk.

Late in August, General Grant's family came to visit him
at City Point. Mrs. Grant, Colonel Dent, her brother, and
the four Grant children, Frederick, fourteen years old,
Ulysses Jr., twelve, Nilke, nine and Jessie, six, all
were there .

Grant's wife was a frequent visitor to City Point in the
following months, and Grant always sent a ship to meet her.
Grant would come down the James River and meet his wife
at Fortress Monroe and take her onto his boat for the trip
to City Point. Even on board ship, Grant was not free
from petitioners. Mrs. Grant recalled one incident.

On one occasion, as I came out of
my stateroom where the General was still
asleep — he always slept late and went
late to bed — an excited young woman
approached me carrying a rgsy baby in her
arms, saying, "I want to -see General
Grant." I replied: "He is not awake.
You cannot see him." She exclaimed
wildly, "I must see him I I must see him!
I will!" and, bursting into tears, cried,
"Oh Madam, let me see him. My husband
is sentenced to be shot." "When?" I
asked. She exclaimed, "this day, at

247

twelve o'clock, and it was all my fault.
You see, the baby here was over seven
months old, and he had never seen it, and,
sure, I though they could never miss him
from out all these thousands of men. So
I wrote and begged him to come just to
see the baby, you know, He did come, and
now they have caught him and say he is a
deserter, and, sure, Madam, it is all my
fault, as sure as I stand here, before
my God! Oh, let me see General Grant!"

I went to the stateroom and hurriedly
repeated the woman's statement. The
General replied: "I cannot interfere.
She must go to General (Marsena R. ) Patrick."
"But," I exclaimed, "it is today the man
is to be shot, at twelve o'clock, and it
is nearly nine now." He still said: "I
cannot interfere." So I threw open the
door and said to the woman: "You may
enter and tell the General youself." The
baby was amusing itself by reaching up and
pulling down its mother's veil, whose face
was bathed in tears. I told her to sit
down and tell her own story. The General
soon called to me to send him paper and
ink. And the woman shortly came out,
looking almost transfigured, saying, "God
bless you, Madam, and God bless the General."
When I went in to thank the General, he
replied: "I'm sure I did wrong. I've no
doubt I have pardoned a bounty jumper who
ought to have been hanged. "7

Grant was fond of his children and saw as much of them as
possible. His family was lodged on the boat in the James River
and spent many hours with Grant at his camp. The morning

Mrs. Ulysses S. Grant, The Personal Memoirs of Julia

Dent Grant (G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York), pp. 132-13 3.

24S

after their arrival, Porter entered Grant's tent and saw
him playing with his children.

I found him in his shirt-sleeves
engaged in a rough-and-tumble wrestling-
match with the two older boys . He had
become red in the face, and seemed nearly
out of breath from the exertion. The
lads had just tripped him up, and he was
on his knees on the floor grappling with
the youngsters, and joining in their
merry laughter, as if he were a boy again
himself. I had several despatches in my
hand, and when he saw that I had come on
business, he disentangled himself after
some difficulty from the young combatants,
rose to his feet, brushed the dust of his
knees with his hand, and said in a sort
of apologetic manner: "Ah, you know my
weaknesses — my children and my horses."
The children often romped with him, and
joined in their frolics as if they were
all playmates together. The younger
ones would hang about his neck while he
was writing, make a terrible mess of his
papers, and turn everything in his tent
into a toy; but they were never once
reproved for any innocent sport; they
were governed solely by an appeal to
their affections. They were always
respectful, and never failed to -render
strict obedience to their father when he
told them seriously what he wanted them
to do. 8

Mrs. Grant was well know to the members of the staff. While
at City Point she would visit sick soldiers and make

8 Porter, pp. 283-284.

249

suggestions to the cook for delicacies for their comfort.
She took all of her meals in the mess, kept up a
pleasant run of conversation at the table, and added
greatly to the cheerfulness of the headquarters.

In the afternoon of October 16, 18 64, a steamer arrived
from Washington with the Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton,
the Secretary of the Treasury, , Mr. Fessenden and many
other friends. They came to the headquarters and were
warmly received by Grant, whom they greatly praised. ^0
They congratulated Grant for the progress of the campaign.
Stanton wanted to see the war close up and was given a
tour of the front lines. After two days the party returned
to Washington.

Throughout the Fall of 1864, the stream of visitors towards
City Point continued. Grant was by this time a well known
celebrity throughout the North and attracted considerable
attention whenever he left the camp. During one visit to
New York in November 1864, he was mobbed by a group of well
wishers. "^

9 Ibid. , p. 304.
10 Ibid_. , p. 304.
1:L Ibid. , pp. 325-327.

ISO

During Christmas 18 64, Mrs. Grant and the family arrived
at City Point to spend the holidays together. During
this time Frederick almost joined the army. According
to Porter:

Fred crossed the Mississippi with
his father on the gunboat PixLce. Early
in the morning the general went ashore
to direct the movement of the troops,
leaving the boy coiled up on the forward
deck fast asleep. Whenhe woke up the
youngster insisted on following his
father, but was told by a staff -of f icer
to stay where he was and keep out of
danger; but he happened just then to see
some troops chasing a rabbit, and jumped
ashore and joined in the fun. Thinking
the men were a pretty jolly set of fel-
lows, he followed along with the regiment
in its march to the front, thinking he
would meet his father somewhere on the
road. The troops soon encountered the
enemy, and Fred found himself suddenly
participating in the battle of Port Gibson.
That night he recognized a mounted orderly
belonging to headquarters, and hailed him.
The orderly gave him a blanket, and he
rolled himself up in it and managed to get
several hours' sleep. About midnight his
father came across him, and his surprise
may be imagined when he discovered that
the boy had left the boat a,nd turned
amateur soldier. The general had crossed
the river in true light-marching order,
for he had no encumbrances but an overcoat
and a toothbrush. A couple of horses were
soon captured. The general took one and
gave the other to Fred. They were ungainly,
ragged-hipped nags , and the general was

257

greatly amused at seeing the figure the
boy cut when mounted on his raw-boned
war-charger. At the battle of Black
River Bridge, Fred saw Lawler's brigade
making its famous charge which broke the
enemy's line, and rode forward and joined
in the pursuit of the foe; but he had not
gone far when a musket-ball struck him
on the left thigh. A staff-officer rode
up to him, and asked him how badly he was
hurt; and Fred, not being an expert in
gunshot wounds, said he rather thought his
leg was cut in two. 'Can you work your
toes?' asked the officer. The boy tried,
and said he could. 'Then,' cried the
officer, 'you're all right'; and taking
him to a surgeon, it was found that the
ball had only clipped out a little piece
of flesh, so that he was not damaged
enough to have to join the ranks of the
disabled. 12

If this was not enough excitement, Fred decided that he must
go duck shooting and received permission from his father.

As sporting-guns are not found among
army supplies, Fred had to content himself
with an infantry rifled musket. The
general's colored servant, Bill, accompanied
the boy. Bill was not much of a' shot himself.
He usually shot as many a man votes, with his
eyes shut.. But he was a good hand to take
the place of the armor-bearer of the ancients,
and carry the weapons. Taking a boat, they
paddled down the river in search of game.
They had not gone far when they were brought
to by a naval pickets who had been posted on
the river-bank by the commander of one of the

12 Ibid.; pp. 363-364.

252

vessels. A picket-boat was sent after
them, and they were promptly arrested
as rebel spies, and taken aboard a
gunboat. The declaration by the white
prisoner, who, it was supposed, was
plotting death and destruction to the
Union, that he was the son of the
general-in-chief , was at first deemed
too absured to be entertained by sail-
ors, and fit only to be told to the
marines; but after a time Fred
succeeded to convincing the officers
as to his identity, and was allowed
to return to headquarters. When he
arrived he wore a rueful expression
of countenance at the thought of the
ingratitude of republics to their
"veterans." His father was greatly
amused by the account of his adventure,
teased him good-naturedly, and told him
how fortunate it was that he had not
been hanged at the yard-arm as an
enemy of the republic, and his body
consigned to the waters of the Potomac. 3

Among the many visitors Grant had at City Point were a
number of inventors who had some novel ideas as to how to
end the war. Some of the more rational suggestions are
described by Porter.

A proposition from an /engineer was
received one day, accompanied by elaborate
drawings and calculations, which had evi-
dently involved intense labor on the part
of the author. His plan was to build a
masonry wall around Richmond, of an ele-
vation higher than the tallest houses,

13 Ibid., pp. 365-366.

253

then to fill the inclosure with water
pumped from the James River , and drown
out the garrison and people like rats
in a cage. The exact number of pumps
required and their capacity had been
figured out to a nicety. Another
inventive genius, whose mind seemed
to run in the direction of the science
of chemistry and the practice of ster-
nutation, sent in a chemical formula
for making an all-powerful snuff. In
his communication he assured the com-
manding general that after a series of
experiments he had made with it on
people and animals, he was sure that
if shells were filled with it an explod-
ed within the enemy's lines, the troops
would be siezed with such violent fits
of sneezing that they would soon become
physically exhausted with the effort,
and the Union army could walk over at
its leisure and pick them up as prison-
ers without itself losing a man. A
certain officer had figured out from
statistics that the James River froze
over about once in seven years, and
that this was the seventh year, and
advised that troops be massed in such a
position that when the upper part of the
James changed from a liquid to a solid,
columns could be rushed across it on the
ice to position in rear of the enemy's
lines, and Richmond would be at our
mercy. 14

As far as it is known, Grant did not • implement any of the above
suggestions.

14 Ibid., p. 372.

254

On the morning of January 31, 1865, General Grant received
a letter from the Petersburg front signed by Confederates
Alexander H. Stephens, J. A. Campbell and R.M.T. Hunter,
asking permission to come through the lines. Permission
was granted, and Babcock was sent to meet them and escort
them to City Point. Stephens was the Vice-President of
the Confederacy, Campbell was Assistant Secretary for Jtfar,
and Hunter, President Pro Tempore of the Confederate Senate.
Grant treated his visitors with every possible courtesy, but
refused to be drawn into any political discussions with
them. The commissioners twice tried to discuss the prop-
er conditions for a proposed peace with Grant, but both
times he refused to discuss the matter. ^

On February 2, 18 65 , the Commissioners were sent down the
James River for a meeting with Lincoln which produced no
results. After stopping at City Point again and discussing
the exchange of prisoners with General Grant, the Commis-
sioners returned to Richmond.

Mrs. Grant, who was at City Point at this time, did talk
to the Confederates about her brother, who was being held 'a
prisoner.

15 Ibid. , p. 383

255

I had quite an interview with the
commissioners, telling them they held a
brother of mine as a prisoner and that
he was a thorough rebel if there ever
was one. I knew this to be so as I had
had many a battle royal with him on
this subject. These gentlemen asked if
General Grant could not exchange him.
"Why, of course not." I explained, "my
brother is not a soldier." He was on a
visit to a friend in Louisiana when he
was captured. I had already approached
General Grant on the subject, and he
had asked me if I thought it would be
just for him to give a war prisoner in
exchange for my brother, when we had so
many brave men languishing in prison
who had fought for the Union. It was
hard, but I knew he was right. He con-
soled me by saying, "It will not hurt
John to have a good, wholesome lesson,
and I hope and trust the war will soon
be over, and then John will come home
with the crowd, and I will do all I can
for him then." So dear brother did not
get back until the general exchange of
prisoners took place at the close of
the war . *■ »

General Grant did intervene to help another relative of his,
but had no success.

There was another war .prisoner,
young Hewitt, a cousin of- the General,
who was confined for months at Johnson's
Island in Lake Erie. His mother and
family, who were living in Paris for
security, often wrote to General Grant,
making earnest appeals for his release.

Mrs. Grant, p. 138.

256

Of course, the General could only
follow the routine and wait until
it should be Mr. Hewitt's turn to
be exchanged. So when this young
man arrived at the depot where the
prisoners were exchanged, General
Grant telegraphed: "When Mr.
Hewitt's exchange is accomplished,
have him report to my headquarters."
The telegram was read to Mr. Hewitt,
who, with evident disappointment
repaired to the Commanding General.
The General greeted him kindly and
said: "I have some letters here
from your mother," and, handing him
the package, continued, "If you wish
to avail yourself of this opportunity,
I will be most happy to give you safe
conduct, and if you need money, that
also. You must read these letters
and decide." The young soldier read
the letters and sat thinking, Then he
arose, thanked the General, and said:
"For me to accept this now, at the
very gates of Richmond, would savor of
desertion. The cause, our cause, needs
every man at his post, and I must go
on to Richmond." The General said: "I
can't but admire your decision, but I
think it most unwise." The young
gentleman proceeded to Richmond , and
about a fortnight afterwards we heard
of his death. 1/

Alexander Stephens had worn a large greatcoat during his
trip to City Point and this became the object of some humor
at his expense. When Lincoln visited City Point later he
said to Grant:

17 Ibid., p. 139.

257

"Did you see Stephens's great-
coat?" "Oh, yes," answered the general.
"Well," continued Mr. Lincoln, "soon
after we assembled on the steamer at
Hampton Roads, the cabin began to get
pretty warm, and Stephens stood up and
pulled off his big coat. He peeled
it off just about as you would husk an
ear of corn. I couldn't help thinking,
as I looked first at the coat and then
at the man, 'Well, that's the biggest
shuck and the littlest nubbin I ever
did see. '"18

This story later became one of General Grant's favorites,
and he never tired of telling it.

In late February, Grant acquired a new addition to his
staff -Captain, Robert Todd Lincoln, the President's
eldest son. Robert Lincoln had graduated from Harvard
in 1864, and asked his father's permission to join the army.
Lincoln reluctantly agreed and mentioned the matter to Grant
Grant told Lincoln that if his son could join his staff
he would see that he saw some active duty in the field.
Thus, with honor satisfied and the safety of Robert Lincoln
protected, Grant acquired a new captain and assistant
adjutant-general on his staff on February 23, 1865.19

18 Ibid ., p. 385.
19 Ibid., p. 388.

25S

Peace proposals were still discussed at City Point.
Rumors of peace and theories on how to end the war abounded
Mrs. Grant even volunteered to go on her own mission of
peace.

Late one afternoon, about four o'clock,
not long before the last move toward Rich-
mond, I entered from my bedroom, General
Grant's office, where I found General Grant s
in conversation with General Ord. General
Grant said to me: "See here. Mrs. Grant,
what do you think of this? Ord has been
across the lines on a flag of truce and
brings a suggestion that terms of peace may
be reached through you, and a suggestion of
an interchange of social visits between you
and Mrs. Longstreet and others when the
subject of peace may be discussed, and you
ladies may become the mediums of peace."
At once, I exclaimed: "Oh! How enchanting,
how thrilling I Oh, Ulys, I may go, may I
not?" He only smiled at my enthusiasm and
said: "No, I think not." I then approached
him, saying, "Yes, I must. Do say yes. I
so much wish to go. Do let me go." But he
still said: "No, that would never do."
Besides, he did not feel sure that he could
trust me; with the desire I always had shown
for having a voice in great affairs, he was
afraid I might urge some policy that the
President would not sanction. I replied to
this: "Oh, nonsense. Do not talk so, but
let me go. I should be so~ enchanted to have
a voice in this great matter. I must go.
I will. Do say I may go." But General
Grant grew very earnest now and said: "No,

259

you must not. It is simply absurd.
The men have fought this war and the
men will finish it. "20

With peace efforts at an end, the war took its final
course.

Mrs. Grant did ask her husband to invite Lincoln to visit
City Point again. Grant believed Lincoln needed no invita-
tion, but at his wife's prodding he sent a telegram invit-
ing the President to visit the front.

Grant was now nearing the pinnacle of his military career.
He was on the verge of victory at Petersburg, and the eyes
of the nation were on him. His fame and stature were
enormous. Congressman E. B. Washburne of Illinois presen-
ed Grant with a gold medal voted him by the Congress. After
the award ceremony, which was held at City Point in the
main cabin of the steamer that had brought Washburne to
City Point, Mrs. Grant improvised a dance for the officers
and ladies present. All present had/a wonderful time. 22

20 Mrs. Grant, pp. 140-141.
21 Ibid. , pp. 141-142.
22 Ibid., pp. 393-394.

260

The next morning while Washburne was shaving a young woman
burst into his cabin, fell at his feet, and pleaded with
him to save her husband, who was scheduled for execution.
After calming down the woman, Washburne managed to convince
her that he was not General Grant. Washburne showed her
to Grant's cabin where she repeated her performance.
Grant yielded and another soldier was saved from execu-
tion. 23

Lincoln arrived at City Point on the evening of March 24,
1865. He had intended to come alone/ but at the last
minute Mrs. Lincoln decided to join him. The Lincolns
were to remain at City Point for the next two weeks and
live on the R^ivzn. Qulzzyi which was anchored in the James
River .

On the morning of March 25, 18 65, Grant boarded the RXv/e^
Qu.zzn and greeted Lincoln. Early that morning, Lee directed

General J. B. Gordon to attack Fort Steadman in an attempt

/■'

to break the Union Line. The attack, after some initial
success, failed with a great number of casualties. Grant

23 Ibid., pp. 394-395.

2 6 7

"A. .-

• I .4 if

262

asked the President to accompany him to the front to view
the scene of the attack. The ground was still strewn with
the dead and wounded of both sides and Lincoln saw the
results of combat, close up, for the first time. The
trip deeply affected the President.

Frank Rauscher, who was a musician with the 114th Regiment/
Pennsylvania Volunteers ^recorded the following personal
observation about Lincoln the next morning:

The next morning we had the pleasure
of seeing President Abraham Lincoln for
the first, and, unfortunately, it was
the last time. While there (at City
Point) he made his temporary home on
board the River Queen, along side the
flagship of Admiral Porter. On that
morning I strolled out to one of the
abandoned forts, having just received the
morning paper and while resting myself on
one of the parapets two men came in the
fort — one was Admiral Porter, the other
President Lincoln. They halted in front
of the spot I was sitting. The Admiral,
from the high position of the fort, could
overlook a broad expanse of our lines of
works. He pointed out to the President
the positions of the two lines and dis-
cussed the hardships and dangers encountered
while erecting them in the face of the enemy
guns and during the rigors of the severe
winter he also recounted the suffering and
deprivation incident to the long siege.
President Lincoln was greatly moved, and

263

his feeling were apparent in his rough-
hewn featured. As they joined arms and
returning from the fort this remark the
President made, "The country can never
repay these men for what they have suf-
fered and endured. *

Lincoln and Grant discussed the progress of the war during
the day and swapped stories around the camp fire at night.
Both men seemed to enjoy the other's company. Lincoln,
got along well with the army officers at City Point, but his
wife was in a bad temper. During a review of the Army of
the James, Mrs. Lincoln lost her temper and began to snap
at the officers and their wives. Both Mrs. Grant and
Porter agree that Mrs. Lincoln was tired from the trip
and not in her best mood.

The Siege of Petersburg was nearing a climax and Grant
invited both Sheridan and Sherman to City Point for a final
conference. Sherman arrived on March 27, 1865 and
immediately began to fill Grant in with the details of his
march across Georgia. . x

Speculation was rife that Sherman had been called to City
Point to replace Meade as Commander-in-Chief of the Army

24 Rauscher, p. 226.

264

of the Potomac. In the following letter written on
March 28, 1865, J. R. Hamilton describes the atmosphere
at City Point during these critical days.

City Point
March 28/65
8. A.M.

Dear Swinton:

The army moves this morning. Head-quarters are being
abandoned — for the time at least — by tonight General Grant
will have moved off with his staff for the field.

Sherman arrived here last night, from Newbern with Admiral
Porter; and I heared it hinted among the officers, who
should know, that he is to supersede Meade.

We had quite a gay batch last night holding their consulta-
tion of war. The President, Grant, Sherman and Sheridan
and Porter. The most ceaseless activity is everywhere in
the quarter-master and ordnance departments. A million
cartridges in addition were sent out yesterday, and
Sheridans 1 men were being remounted all yesterday and dur-
ing the whole night, with fresh horses that come pouring
in by the boat-load from Washington. There is no doubt
that, this morning, the curtain rises upon the last act of
this great drama. What Grant proposes to 'do I don't know,
but it seems to me, as I wrote you once before at some
length, that his object is to throw a powerful army between
Richmond and the rebel forces opposed'- to Sherman — ( now
Schof ield or Slocum, which latter Ir believe takes rank) so
that Johnston, who it is supposed now commands the forces
to Richmond, must either come out of the trenches and
fight at a disadvantage, or stay where he is and see him-
self hopelessly cut off by the Southside and Danville
Roads coming into our immediate protection.

265

The army leaves with 12 days rations; so that allowing only
15 miles for a day's march, they go provided for a tramp of
180 miles.

The next ten or twelve days may prove the most eventful and
decisive ones of the way. Everyone mounts his horse or
shoulders his musket as if he feels it so, and great
enthusiasm is forming wherever I go, among the officer and
men.

Latest
9:30 A.M.

Although it is generally believed that Lee has gone to join
his armies South, his latest dispatch to the Secretary of
War, which I saw, would seem to show that he is still here —
commanding this front.

General Collip has just told me that he does not credit the
superseding of Meade by Sheridan; but it is very significant
that in the Council of War held last night Meade was not
present. 25

Grant, Sherman and Lincoln met on the R<Lvnti Queen to discuss
strategy.

It began by his explaining to the
President the military situation and
prospects, saying that the crisis of the
war was now at hand, as he expected to
move at once around the enemy's left and
cut him off from the Carol inas, and that
his only apprehension was that Lee might
move out before him and evacuate Peters-
burg and Richmond, but that if he did
there would be a hot pursuit. Sherman

Virginia Historical Society, J. R. Hamilton Letter.

266

assured the President that in such a
contingency his army, by acting on the
defensive, could resist both Johnston
and Lee till Grant could reach him, and
that then the enemy would be caught in
a vise and have his life promptly crush-
ed out. Mr. Lincoln asked if would not
be possible to end the matter without a
pitched battle, with the attendant losses
and suffering; but was informed that that
was a matter not within the control of
our commanders, and must rest necessarily
with the enemy. Lincoln spoke about the
course which he thought had better be
pursued after the war, and expressed an
inclination to lean toward a generous
policy. In speaking about the Confederate
political leaders, he intimated, though he
did not say so in express terms, that it
would relieve the situation if they should
escape to some foreign country. Sherman
related many interesting incidents which
occurred in his campaign. Grant talked
less than any one present. The President
twice expressed some apprehension about
Sherman being away from his army; but
Sherman assured him that he had left mat-
ters safe in Schofields hands, and that he
would start back himself that day. 26

That same day Sherman left City Point to return to his army
in the field.

By March 29, 18 65, Grant decided to leave City Point and
move closer to the front. The siege was almost over and he

26 Porter, pp. 323-324.

267

was afraid Lee would steal away from him. Grant was
determined to capture Lee and end the war . Lincoln and
Grant parted company, and the President shook hands with
Grant and each member of the staff. Porter described
the moving scene in his book:

Mr. Lincoln looked more serious than
at any other time since he had visited head-,
quarters. The lines in his face seemed deeper,
and the rings under his eyes were of a darker
hue. It was plain that the weight of respon-
sibility was oppressing him. Could it have
been a premonition that with the end of this
last campaign would come the end of his life.
Five minutes ' walk brought the party to the
train. There the President gave the general
and each member of the staff a cordial shake
of the hand, and then stood near the rear
end of the car while we mounted the platform.
As the train was about to start we all
raised our hats respectfully. The salute
was returned by the President, and he said
in a voice broken by an emotion he could ill
conceal: "Good-by, gentlemen. God bless
you all. Remember, your success is my
success." The signal was given to start;
the train moved off; Grant's last campaign
had begun. 27

Within a few days the war was over and- a few days later
Lincoln was dead.

Porter, pp. 425-426.

268

Shortly before the final campaign began Grant sat on the
front porch of his cabin on the ground of Appomattox Manor
and posed for one last picture with his staff.

269

A-

FIGURE 6 8

Grant's Staff at City Point in March 1865.
SOURCE: Petersburg National Battlefield , Petersburg,
Virginia, File §17 Generals .

270

Bibliography
I Primary Sources
Manuscripts and Photographs

Fairmount Park Commission, Philadelphia, Pa.

Adam Badeau Letter to George H. Stuart, July 21, 1865.

Adam Badeau Letter to Russel Thayer, February 12, 1885.

Adam Badeau details the construction and subse-
quent history of Grant's Cabin in both of these
letters. The first is addressed to George H.
Stuart of Philadelphia, and the second is
addressed to Russel Thayer of the Fairmount Park
Commission.

S. Einlen Meigs Letter to Commissioners of Fairmount
Park, September 11, 1916.

George H. Stuart Letter to James McManes, May 20, 1898.

George H. Stuart was the son of the man to whom
Grant gave the cabin in 1865, and in this letter
he asked the President of the Fairmount Park
Commission to take steps to protect and preserve
the cabin, and cited the historical importance
of the structure.

Library of Congress, Archives.

Civil War Photographs

A
The collection of Civil War photographs in the
possession of the Library of Congress is limited
and was culled thoroughly for evidence for this
report. The most interesting photographs found »
were three pictures of General Rufus Ingalls and
other people sitting on the front porch of
Appomattox Manor just after the end of the siege.

277

Petersburg National Battlefield Park, Archives, Virginia.

City Point Railroad Map.

The best map of City Point during the siege
was made by the Chief Engineer of the Military
Railroad in Virginia in 1865. All of the rail-
roads and many of the structures used by Grant
at City Point are detailed. The park has four
copies of this map and the original is located
in the National Archives .

Civil War Diseases. >

This is a short unpublished study which makes
a comparison of major diseases of the Civil
War with those of the First World War.

Mrs. Elise Eppes Cutchins Transcript.

This is a transcript of the conversation between
Historian Harry Butowsky and Mrs. Elise Eppes
Cutchins made in her home in Franklin, Virginia
on November 30, 1977. Mrs. Cutchins is the grand-
daughter of Dr. Richard Eppes, and she related the
family tradition concerning Appomattox Manor. The
tapes should also be consulted.

Development of the General Staff of the Army.

This is a short unpublished study of the above
subject with emphasis on the Civil War period.

Philadelphia Inquirer article "Relics of the War-Grant's
Cabin"

This article was originally -published in the
Philadelphia Inquirer on August 4, 1865, when
the cabin was placed in Fairmount Park. It
gives the background and history of the cabin
to that point in time.

Timothy E. Wilcox Statement.

Mr. Wilcox was a civil war veteran who visited
City Point during the Summer and Fall of 1865,

272

and in 1918 he described his memories of the
camp as it existed immediately after the end
of the war.

Pennsylvania Historical Society, Archives, Philadelphia, Pa

George Gordon Meade Maps .

The entire collection of the personal maps of
General Meade are located here. They provide .
little additional information on the camp site
because of their lack of detail. One interest-
ing specimen shows the location of Grant's
headquarters staff at City Point in Meade's
handwriting.

Virginia Historical Society, Archives, Richmond, Va.

Appomattox Manor-City Point Map.

In 1856, Dr. Richard Eppes had his property
surveyed and the boundaries and buildings
recorded in the above map. It is interest-
ing because it shows what the area looked
like before the Civil War.

Stuart Burrus Letter to Dr. Richard Eppes, February 1,
1866.

In this letter from the Bureau of Refugees,
Freedmen and Abandoned Lands writer on
February 1, 1866, Dr. Richard Eppes had his
land at City Point officially returned to
him.

Charles Comer Letter to Dr. Richard Eppes, October 24,
1865.

This letter was written on October 2, 1865, and
given Dr. Richard Eppes the names and rents of
the people who were living on his property at
that time.

Richard Eppes Diary, 1849-1896.

273

Dr. Richard Eppes kept a very detailed record
of his farming operations and personal life
during the above years. There was no facet
of his farm operation that was not recorded
in the journal. The only break in the record
is from 1862 to 18 65, when Dr. Eppes was away
from home and in the service of the Confederate
Army as a contract surgeon. Dr. Eppes recorded
many detailed descriptions of his property after
his return to City Point in 18 65. There is a -
great deal of information in this source that
could be used to write the story of a larger >
Virginia Plantation and its operation before the
war.

Richard Eppes Discharge Papers, 1862.

Dr. Eppes was discharged twice from the Confed-
erate Army in 1862, and the above two papers tell
the story.

Richard Eppes Letter to Major John Gibon, November 6,
1865.

Dr. Eppes wrote this letter to the local mili-
tary commander of City Point on November 6,
1865, and requested the return of his property.
There is no record of a response.

Richard Eppes Letter to J. H. Pierpont, June 24, 1865

Dr. Eppes wrote this letter to the -Governor of
Virginia on June 2, 1865, seeking his help in
the return of his property at City Point. The
letter contains an interesting-,, discussion of
his motives for supporting the rebellion in
1861, as well as a short discussion of his Civil
War service history

Eppes Family Photographs.

All of these photographs date from the post-
civil war period and show the condition of the
house and lands during that time.

274

Repair Receipts for Appomattox Manor in 1866.

When Dr. Eppes finally reacquired his property,
he discovered that much damage had been done
to the house during the war and repairs had to
be made. He borrowed the money from his Phila-
delphia relatives and went to work repairing
the damage. The receipts are all here.

Special Order No. 68, October 23, 1865.

This order was issued by the Bureau of Refugees,
Freedmen and Abandoned Lands on October 3, 1865*
and gave Dr. Eppes a qualified return of his
property at City Point.

Virginia State Library, Archives, Richmond.

Eppes Family genealogical chart.

The genealogical charts in the collection of
the Virginia Historical Society are limited
and incomplete. They cover mainly the late
nineteenth century period. Mr. Prentice Price,
who works at the library every day and is em-
ployed by the family, had much more detailed and
complete charts going back to the time of the
early sixteenth century. His mailing address
is the Virginia State Library. Most of the
genalogical information in this report was
obtained from the book by Mrs. Clark and the
charts of Mr. Prentice Price.

Eppes Family Coat of Arms.

The Eppes family had its own coat of arms that
it brought from England, and ah original copy
is located here.

U. S. Army Military History Institute Archives, Carlisle, Pa

Mollus Collection of Civil War Photographs

275

This is perhaps the finest collection of
Civil War Photographs in the country. The
photographs are all original prints of Civil
War scenes, and many were copied for this
report.

Joseph Scroggs Papers.

Joseph Scroggs was a Civil War soldier who was
in and around City Point in May 1864, and he
recorded his impressions in his journal. His
observations are interesting but limited.

276

Printed Materials

Agassiz, George R. / ed., Meade's Headquarters , 1863-1865 /
Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to
Appomattox , Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1922.

Contains useful information relating to the relation-
ship between Grant and Meade during the last year of
the war. Little direct information concerning City
Point.

Annals of the War , Philadelphia: The Times Publishing Com-
pany. 187 9. Recollections of the campaigns written by
officers and men on both sides.

Good background information for City Point but no
direct information on City Point.

Badeau, Adam, Military History of Ulysses S. Grant , New York
D. Appleton and Company, 1881.

Badeau was Grant's military secretary and aide through-
out the Petersburg Campaign. This book is a primary
source for City Point and contains a wealth of useful
information concerning the camp. This source is a
must for any detailed study of City Point.

Bowen, James L. , History of the 37th Regiment Massachusetts
Volunteers in the Civil War 1861-1865 , New York: Clark W.
Bryan and Company, 1884.

Volume IV provides good source material for the taking
of City Point.

Cadwallader, Sylvanus, Three Years witn Grant , New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1955.

Cadwallader was a Chicago newspaperman with Grant from
1863 to the end of the war. His account provides good
personal information concerning many aspects of daily
life at City Point.

277

Chamberlain, Joshua L. , The Passing of the Armies , New York:
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1915.

Chamberlain's account was written many years after the
war, and the passing of years had dimmed his memory.
His book contains a good description of Grant's pursuit
of Lee in April 1865, and the final surrender but con-
tains little of importance on City Point.

Chamberlain, Joshua L. , Reminiscences of Petersburg and
Appomattox , 1903.

Little of interest concerning City Point. (

Chamberlain, Thomas, History of the 150th Regiment of Pennsyl-
vania Volunteers, Second Regiment, Bucktail Brigade , Phila-
delphia: J. B. Lippincott and Company, 1895.

A good source for the military campaigns of 1864-1865,
but contains little on City Point.

Civil War Papers , Read before the Commandery of the State of
Massachusetts of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of
the United States, Boston: Privately Printed, 1950.

Coffin, Charles Carleton, Four Years of Fighting , Boston:
Tincknor and Fields, 1866.

Brief description of Grant, Lincoln, Meade and Sheridan
at City Point on March 28, 18 65.

Clark, Charles M. , History of the 39th Regiment Illinois
Volunteers Infantry 1861-1865 , Chicago: Published under the
auspices of the veteran association of the regiment, 188 9.

Useful description of trains running from City Point
to the front, and Confederate attempts to disable them.

Cole, Jacob H. , Under Five Commanders , Patterson: News Print-
ing Company, 1906.

Personal account of life in the Army of the Potomac, writ-
ten years after the war. Little on City Point.

Copp, Elbridge J., Reminiscences of the war of the rebellion ,
1861-1865, Nashua, N. H. : Privately Published, 1911.

27S

Contains a good picture of the railroad at City Point.

Coppee f Henry, Grant and His Campaign , New York: Charles B.
Richardson and Company, 1866.

Contains good background material on the members of
Grant's Staff at City Point.

Cramer, Jesse Grant, Letters of Ulysses S. Grant to his
Father and Youngest Sister , New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons,
1912.

Adds little to knowledge of City Point. '

Dana, Charles A., Recollections of the Civil War , New York:
D. Appleton and Company, 1898.

Good on general background material on Petersburg
campaign but little on City Point.

Derby, W. P., Bearing Arms in the 27th Massachusetts Regiment
of Volunteer Infantry during the Civil War, 1861-1865 , Boston:
Wright and Potter, 1883.

De Trobriand, Regis, Four Years with the Army of the Potomac ,
Boston: Ticknor and Company, 1889.

De Trobriand was a French Officer who served with the
Army of the Potomac. He passed through City Point in
1864 and recorded his impressions in his book.

Dodge, Grenville Mellen, Personal Recollections of A. Lincoln ,
U. S. Grant and T. T. Sherman, Council Bluff, la.: The
Monarch Printing Company, 1910.

Good description of the command structure of the army.

Elwood, John Williams, Story of the Old Ringgold Cavalry .
Privately Published, 1914.

Concerns the 22nd Pennsylvania Cavalry with emphasis

on its 1864 campaign in Virginia. Little on City Point.

Gibbon, John, Personal Recollections of the Civil War , New
York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1929.

279

Good discussion of the Congressional Gold Medal that
was presented to Grant at City Point on March 11, 1865.

Gross, Warren Lee, Recollections of a Private — A Story of
The Army of the Potomac , New York: Thomas Crowell and
Company, 1890.

A good first hand account of life in the trenches
before Petersburg.

History of the 37th Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers in
the Civil War of 1861-1865 , New York: Clark W. Bryan and
Company, 1884.

Little detail concerning City Point. The regiment
landed there and went straight to the fight front.

Livermore, Thomas H. , History of the Eighteenth New Hampshire
Volunteers 1861-1865 , Boston: Fort Hill Press, 1904.

This regiment was stationed at City Point in late 18 64
and was used to construct many of the buildings used
as winter quarters. The book contains a good descrip-
tion of the construction methods used and winter life
at the camp.

Grant, Julia Dent, The Personal Memoirs of Julia Dent Grant ,
ed., John Y. Simon, New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1975.

Mrs. Grant spent many months with the general at City
Point and left a good description of the personal side
to Grant's life at the camp.

Grant, Ulysses S., Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant , 2 volumes,
New York: Charles L. Webster & Company, 1886.

Grant's Memoirs are excellent source material for the
Civil War. Unfortunately, Grant was hurried when he
came to write the period covered by the Siege of
Petersburg. There is no physical description of the <
camp or any discussion of camp life to be found in the
book. Grant covered the war and the progress of the
siege and most of this material can be found in the
Official Records.

2S0

Houghton, Edwin B., The Campaigns of the Seventeenth Maine ,
Portland: Short and Loring, 1886.

Good material concerning life in the Army of the Potomac
during the last part of the war. Weak on City Point.

Houston, Henry Clarence. T he Thirty-second Maine Regiment
of Infantry Volunteers , Portland: Press of Southworth
Brothers, 1903.

A discussion of the 1861-1865 campaign in Virginia.
Little on City Point.

Humphreys, Andrew Atkinson, The Virginia Campaign of 1864
and 1865 , New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1883.

A good survey of the military operations in the last
year of the war. Includes a map of the railroad from
City Point to the front.

Jones, Major, Four Years in the Army of the Potomac , London:
The Tyne Publishing Company, 1911.

Brief description of Lincoln during his visits to City
Point.

McCallum, D. C, Reports of Brevet Brigadier General D. C.
McCallum and the Provost Marshal General, Part 1, Washington:
Government Printing Office, 18 66.

Excellent source material for the history and operation
of the U. S. Military Railroad at City Point. Contains
much useful primary information.

Meade, George. The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade ,
2 vol., New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1913.

Useful source material concerning the relationship of
Meade to Grant during the Siege of Petersburg. No
direct evidence or description of City Point.

Mulholland, St. Clair Augustin, The Story of the 116th Regi-
ment, Pennsylvania Infantry, War of Succesion , 1862-1865.
Philadelphia: F. McManus , Jr., & Co., 1899.

2*7

Good description of the last year of the war in the
East. Little on City Point.

Page, Charles A., Letters of a War Correspondent , Boston:
L. C. Page and Company, 1899.

Good general description on Eastern Campaigns. Little
direct information on City Point.

Pick, George B., A Recruit Before Petersburg , Rhode Island
Soldiers and Sailors Historical Society, No. 8, Second Series,
Providence: N. B. Bangs Williams and Company, 1880.

Brief description of City Point when Pick arrived there
in the summer of 1864.

Petersburg, Chancellorsville and Gettysburg , Papers of the
Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, Boston: The
Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, 1906.

Little material on City Point.

Porter, Horace, Campaigning with Grant , Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1961

Porter's book gives us the best source material we have
for City Point. Porter was Grant's aide and lived at
City Point throughout the Siege of Petersburg, and kept
a detailed journal of life at the camp. He used this
journal in writing his book. Porter was an educated
man and he did not miss much of what was happening at
City Point.

Powell, William H., The Fifth Army Corps , New York: G. P.
Putnam's Sons, 1896.

Good source for the Siege of Petersburg but contains
little on City Point.

Rauscher, Frank, Music on the march, 1862-65, with the Army
of the Potomac . 114th regt. P. V., Collis' Zouaves , Phila-
delphia: Press of W. F. Fe., & Co., 1892.

282

Good source for City Point, 114th regiment of Pennsyl-
vania Volunteers served as the Headquarters Regiment
for City Point during 1864-1865, and provided music
for official functions. Shows how City Point looked
from the soldier's point of view.

Raup, Hallock F. , ed., Letters from a Pennsylvania Chaplin at
the Siege of Petersburg , 1865, London: The Eden Press. 1961.

Good source for the Siege of Petersburg. Little on
City Point.

Revised Regulations for the Army of the United States 1861 ,
Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1861.

Good source for organization of army prior to the Civil
War. Much technical information concerning army rules
and regulations.

Rhodes, Elisha, The Second Rhode Island Volunteers at the
Siege of Petersburg, Virginia, War of the Rebellion, Seventh
Series, No. 10, Providence: Rhode Island Soldiers and
Sailors Historical Society, 1915.

Good for the Siege of Petersburg. Little on City Point.

Robertson, James I. ed., The Civil War Letters of General
Robert McAllister, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
T9T5 - :

Close view of life of the common soldier in the
trenches before Petersburg.

David S. Spears, ed. , Inside Lincoln's Army: The Diary of
Marsena Rudolph Patrick, Provost Marshal General, Army of the
Potomac , New York: T. Yoseloff, 1964.'

Patrick was the City Point for much of the time during
the Siege of Petersburg. He kept a detailed diary full
of observations of life and events at the camp. Unfortu-
nately, this edition by Spears has been heavily edited
thus reducing its usefullness. Patricks original diary
should be used.

2S3

Swinton, William, Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac , New
York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1882.

Detailed account of the siege and an excellent" map of
the Petersburg area. Not much on City Point.

Todd, Williams, The Seventy-ninth Highlanders, New York volun-
teers in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865 . Albany: Press
of Brandow, Barton & Co., 1886.

Good source for the campaigns in Virginia.

Townsend, George Alfred, Rustics in Rebellion: A Yankee
Reporter on the Road to Richmond, 18 64-18 65 , Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1950.

Brief description of City Point.

Tyler, Mason Whiting, Recollections of the Civil War , New
York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1912.

Good description of the war in Virginia.

War of the Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and the
Confederate Armies , Series 1, volumes, XXXVI, XL, XLII, XLVI,
and Series III, Vol. IV, Washington, Government Printing
office, 1880-1901.

There is little material in the Official Records that
describes the operation of history of events at City
Point. Much of what is gained must be taken from
dispatches and orders sent to other commands. Only
through a thorough reading of the telegrams and
letters sent to and from City Point can we see the
length and extent of control Grant exercised over
other Union armies.

2S4

Secondary Sources

Abbott, John S., The History of the Civil War in America ,
Springfield, Mass.: Gurdon Bill, 1866.

Abdill, George, Civil War Railroads , Seattle: Superior
Publishing Company, 1961.

This is an excellent photographic history of Civil
War Railroads with a good description of railroad
equipment, construction and operation. The book
contains many photos of City Point and the operations
of the United States Military Railroads there.

Allison, Edna Finney, Eppes, Epps, Epes Genealogy and History ,
Privately Published, 1971.

This book is a detailed account of the Eppes family in
Texas during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
It contains only a limited amount of information on
the early history of the Eppes family in England and
Virginia. It also contains a drawing of Appomattox
Manor during the Civil War.

Amman, William Frayne, Personnel of the Civil War , 2 vol.,
New York: Thomas Yoseloff , 1961.

Andrews, Matthew Page, Virginia — The Old Dominion , Richmond:
The Dietz Press, 1949.

Bigelow, John, The Principles of Strategy , New York, Greewood
Press, 1968.

This book contains a good. description of the Petersburg
Campaign. A

Billings, John D., Hardtack and Coffee , Chicago, R. R. ,
Donnelley & Co., 1960.

The classic description of food and supplies that were
issued to the Union Army throughout the war.

Botkin, B. A. ed., A Civil War Treasury of Tales and Folklore ,
New York: Random House, 1960.

285

Contains some interesting stories of life in the
trenches before Petersburg.

Burgess , Mary Curtis, A True Story , Lincoln, Nebraska, 1907.

Contains a record of the author's personal experiences
at City Point during the Siege of Petersburg.

Carpenter, John A., Ulysses S. Grant , New York: Twayne
Publishers, Inc., 1970.

Catton, Bruce, America Goes to War , Middletown, Connecticut:
Wesleyan University Press, 1958. ,

Catton, Bruce, Grant Takes Command , Boston: Little Brown &
Co., 1969.

Catton, Bruce, This Hallowed Ground , New York, Doubleday &
Company, Inc., 1956.

Clark, Eva Turner, Francis Epps, His Ancestors and Descendants ,
New York: Richard R. Smith, 1942.

Mrs. Clark's book is currently the best source of infor-
mation available concerning the Eppes family. It is a
detailed and thoroughly researched work that must be read
by anyone seeking a better understanding of the Eppes
family. The family has commissioned Mr. Prentice Price
of the Virginia State Library to update the genealogy of
the Eppes family and to correct the errors found in Mrs.
Clark's book. At the present time Mr. Price has not yet
completed this work.

Gonger, Al. L. , The Rise of U. S. Grant , New York: The Cen-
tury Company, 1931.

Copeland, Catherine, Bravest Surrender , Richmond: Whittet &
Shepperson, 1961.

Crozier, Emmet, Yankee Reporters 1861-1865 , New York: Oxford
University Press, 1956.

Dana, Charles A. and Wilson, J. H., The Life of Ulysses S.
Grant, Chicago: Charles Bill, 1868.

286

Good description of the decision making process involved
in Sherman's march to the sea.

Donald , David ed . , Divided We Fought A Pictorial History of
the War 1861-1865 , New York: The Macmillian Company, 1963.

Contains many fine photos of City Point

Earle, Edward Meade ed. , Makers of Modern Strategy , Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1944.

Eisenschiml, Otto and Newman, Ralph ed., The Civil War — -The
American Illiad , New York, Grosset & Dunlap, Inc. 1956. '

Freeman, Douglas Southall, R. E. Lee A Biography , vol. Ill,
IV, New York: Charles Scribner * s Sons, 1935.

Frost, Lawrence A., The Phil Sheridan Album , Seattle: Superior
Publishing Co., 1968.

Frost, Lawrence A., U. S. Grant Album, Seattle, Superior Pub-
lishing Co., 1966.

Fuller, Major General J. F. C, The Generalship of Ulysses S.
Grant , Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1929.

Gardner, Alexander, Gardner's, Photographic History of the
Civil War , New York: Dover Publications Inc., 1959.

A Guide to Prince George and Hopewell , Federal Works Agency,
1939.

Harder, Kelsie B., Illustrated Dictionary of Place Names :

United States and Canada , New York, Van Nostrand Reinhold &

Co., 1976.

Headly, J. T. , Grant and Sherman: Th~eir Campaign's and
Generals , New York: E. B. Treat & Co., 1866.

Good description of the Confederate Ironclad assault »
on City Point in January 18 65.

Johnson, Rossiter, Campfires and Battlefields , New York:
Gallant Books, Inc., 1960.

S?7

Contains a picture of General Rufus Ingalls on the
front porch of Appomattox Manor.

Lord, Francis A. , Lincoln's Railroad Man: Herman Haupt , Tea-
neck, New Jersey: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1969.

Lossing, Benson John, Pictorial History of the Civil War ,
Philadelphia: David McKay, Publisher, 1866.

Lutz, Francis Earle, The Prince George-Hopewell Story ,
Richmond: William Byrd Press, Inc., 1957.

An excellent well written source for the early history
of Prince George County.

Marshall-Cornwall, General Sir James Grant as Military
Commander , New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1970.

Contains a good discussion of the strategic factors
involved in the selection of City Point.

Maxwell, William Quentin, Lincoln's Fifth Wheel: The Politi-
cal History of the United States Sanitary Commission , London :
Logmans, Green & Co., 1956.

Miller, Francis Travelyan, ed., The Photographic History of
the Civil War , 10 vol., New York, Thomas Yoseloff, 1957.

This is a classic photographic history of the Civil
War and contains many fine photos of City Point and
the Siege of Petersburg.

Naisawald, L. Van Loan, Grape and Canister , - New York: Oxford
University Press, 1960.

Naisawald's book contains a fine description of the use
of artillery during the Siege of -Petersburg.

Newman, Ralph, and Long, E. B. , The Civil War: The Picture
Chronicle , 2 vol., New York, Grosset & Dunlap, 1956.

Plum, William R. , The Military Telegraph in the Civil War in
the United States, Chicago: Jansen & McClurg & Co. 1882.

Discusses the role of the telegraph at City Point

188

Richardson, Albert D., A Personal History of Ulysses S. Grant ,
Hartford, Connecticut: American Publishing Co., 1868.

Sales, Edith Ann, Historic Gardens of Virginia , Richmond,
Virginia, 1930.

Excellent discussion of post-Civil-War garden of Dr.
Richard Eppes.

Sandburg, Carl. Abraham Lincoln, The War Years , vol. IV,
New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1939. pp. 13 5-62. .

Sears, Stephen W.,ed., Civil War Art , New York: American
Heritage Publishing Co. , 1971.

Shannon, Fred Albert, The Organization and Administration of
the Union Army , 1861-1865, Clevland : Arthur H. Clark & Co.,
1928.

Stille, Charles J. , History of the United States Sanitary
Commission , Philadelphia: J. B. Lippencott & Co., 1866.

Tenny, W. J. , The Military and Naval History of the Rebellion
in the United States , New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1865.

Wyatt, Edward A., Along Petersburg Streets, Richmond: The
Dietz Printing Co., 1943.

Contains a good bibliography of early Petersburg History.

Wyatt, Edward A. and Scott, James, Petersburg's History — A
History of Petersburg, Virginia , Richmond: The Dietz Publish-
ing Company, 1960.

Contains good background information concerning the

Siege of Petersburg.

Wyatt, Edward A., Plantation Houses Around Petersburg , 1955.

Wallace, Lee A., History of Petersburg National Military
Park, Unpublished Document, 1957. >

Waller, Francis A. , History of the Second Army Corps , New
York: Charles Scribner's & Sons, 1891.

289

Wertenbaker, Thomas J. , Torchbearer of the Revolution: The
Story of Bacon's Rebellion and its Leader , Princeton / New
Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1940 .

Weigley, Russel F. , Quartermaster General of the Union Army —
A Biography of M. C. Meigs , New York: Columbia University
Press, 1959.

Contains a good discussion of the supply problems of
City Point.

Wilson, James Grant, General Grant , New York: D. Appleton &
Co., 1897.

Wilson, James Harrison, The Life of John A. Rawlins , New York:
The Neale Publishing Co., 1916.

Rawlins served on Grant's Staff during the Siege of
Petersburg, and this account contains many of his
personal letters written from City Point in 1861-1865.

Winsow, Justin, ed., Narrative and Critical History of
America, Boston, 1884.

290

Articles

"Culpeper's Report on Virginia in 1683." The Virginia
Magazine of History and Biography , January 1896, pp. 224.

Hagerman, Edward, "From Jomini to Dennis Hart Mahan." Civil
War History , September 1967, pp. 197-220.

Hagerman' s essay contains a clear concise discussion of
the evolution of military strategy in America until the
time of the Civil War. This article is especially (
important for anyone who would understand the signifi-
cance of City Point.

Johnson, Sudwell H. , "Civil War Military History." Civil
War History , June 1971, pp. 115-130.

McPherson, Daniel G. , "Experiment at City Point." Military
Medicine , March, 1963, pp. 242-244.

This article contains a fine old print of City Point
hospital and surrounding grounds in 18 65.

Spear, Donald P., "The Sutler in the Union Army." Civil War
History , June 1970, pp. 121-128.

Stannard, G. W. , "Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents." The
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography , March 1896.

A wealth of information concerning the early years of
the Eppes family in Virginia.

Sylvester, Robert Bruce, "The U. S. Military Railroad and the
Siege of Petersburg." Civil War History / September 1961,
pp. 309-316.

Sylvester tied the railroad story together in this short
article.

297

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APPENDIX II

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302

APPENDIX VIII

CITY POINT AND ARMY LINE

After taking up the track of the Richmond and York
River Railroad, and removing all the material of value
(June 13, 1864), Mr. C. L. McAlpine, engineer of con-
struction and repairs, was ordered to proceed to City
Point with part of the Construction Corps and adequate
material, in anticipation of an order to build the
wharves at that place and reopen the City Point and
Petersburg Railroad. The expedition was delayed nearly
four days on account of a pontoon bridge stretched across
the James River, about twenty-five miles below City Point,
upon which the Army of the Potomac was crossing to the
South bank of the river. Immediately on the arrival of
the construction force at City Point (June 18, 1864)
orders were received to rebuild the City Point and Peters-
burg Railroad; also to construct wharves and buildings for
the use of the army in unloading and receiving supplies.
An examination was made on the road and it was ascertained
that the bridges were gone, track taken up, and the iron
removed for a distance of four miles. From there on to
within two miles and a half from Petersburg the track had
not been disturbed, but the ties were very much decayed
and the gauge needed changing from five feet to four feet
eight and one-half inches. By the 5th of July the bridges
were all rebuilt, track repaired, and the road was in com-
plete running order for a distance of seven miles from
City Point. By the time the repairs were completed a full
equipment of engines and rolling-stock had been received,
and regular trains commenced running July 7, 1864. A
large force was kept constantly employed in building
wharves, warehouses, and all other improvements asked for
by Quartermaster's Department. a

Orders were received July 22 to make a preliminary
survey of a branch line of railroad from a point near
Pitkin Station (distant five miles and a half from City
Point) to the headquarters of the Fifth Army Corps, on the
Weldon railroad at Yellow House. The survey was made
(without instruments) and everything got in readiness for

2/12

the proposed extension. An explosion occurred on the 9th
of August, caused by the accidental ignition of ammunition
stored in an ordnance boat lying at the wharf at City Point.
The force of the explosion completely demolished some 400
feet of warehouse just completed and a large portion of
the wharves in the vicinity; also a large quantity of
supplies accumulated for shipment to the front. The
damage to railroad property was very slight, and only a
few of our men were injured. July 26 a force of trackmen
equipped with tools were sent to Deep Bottom to report to
General Sheridan, for the supposed purpose of destroying
the track of the railroad connecting Petersburg with Rich-
mond. They returned July 3 without effecting anything of
importance. Again, August 13 another part in charge of
John Morgan, assistant engineer, was ordered to report to
General Hancock for the purpose of destroying the track
on the Weldon railroad. Nine miles and a quarter of track
were destroyed, and the iron made useless by heating and
then bending the rails.

Orders were received August 30 to commence building
Army Line from Pitkin Station to Yellow Tavern, on the
Weldon railroad. Work was commenced September 1, and by
the 10th of September the new line was completed a distance
of nine miles from Pitkin Station and fourteen miles and
a half from City Point. The grading on the new line was
comparatively light, but some very extensive trestle-works
were constructed. For quite a distance the rebel batteries
had full range of the track, and trains passing and our
Construction Corps were much annoyed by the constant fire
kept up on them. This difficulty, however, was obviated
by the construction of a line of earthworks about half a
mile in length, completely protecting the 'road..

Extensive tracks for the accommodation of the hospitals
and bakeries were built; also very large warehouses for the
storage of quartermaster, commissar-y, and ordnance stores.
Substantial and roomy wharves were built for a distance of
nearly one mile at City Point; also wharves at Bermuda
Hundred and Light-House Point. An extension wharf was built
on the Appomattox River for the accommodation of the hospi-
tals. Water tanks and steam pumping engines were also

304

furnished to keep up an adequate supply of water. The
construction of hospital buildings on a very large scale
for the several army corps was ordered October 8 . After
most of the lumber and other material had arrived at City
Point the plans were changed. They concluded to build
them more temporary than was at first proposed. One
hundred and ten of these buildings were constructed dur-
ing the fall and winter. While this work for the accom-
modation of the army was being done the various improve-
ments to facilitate the operations of the road were not
neglected. The road bed was put in first-rate order,
and the track would compare favorably with any first-
class road. During the month of October the yard at City
Pont was enlarged, switches and sidings were put in, turn-
tables were constructed at all necessary points, a sub-
stantial and convenient engine-house was built capable of
accommodating nine locomotive engines; also shops with all
the requisite machinery for the repairs of engines and
cars. At all the stations on the line sidings were laid
and station-houses built. An average of nine trains,
exclusive of specials, were run each way daily, amply
supplying the wants of the army. The amount of rolling-
stock for the working of the road was increased from time
to time, as the demands for transportation became more
heavy. Orders were received October 22 to proceed with
the extension of the City Point and Army Line from General
Warren's headquarters at the Yellow House to the Peebles
house, a distance of two miles and a quarter.

The work on this extension (now called the Patrick
Branch) did not commence until November 2 on account of an
engagement that took place near where the proposed line
was to run. It was completed with all the necessary sidings
November 9. The grading was not very heavy on account of
our conforming to the surface of the ground. The grades
are heavy (a maximum of 228 feet) . Eight hundred and
fifty feet to trestle-work, averaging twenty feet in height,
was built. During its construction the weather was very
unfavorable, it raining nearly all the time, making it
almost impossible to do any work on track. »

From November 10 to December 19 the construction force
were busily engaged in constructing hospital buildings,

305

repairing wharves, laying additional side tracks, and
building quarters for the Quartermaster ' s Department and
railroad employes. A large clothing warehouse and exten-
sive commissary buildings were then built; also distribu-
tion barracks for the accommodation of the troops passing
through City Point. The coal wharf at City Point and a
large wharf at Bermuda Hundred were also completed.
Trains continued to run on good time without accidents,
business constantly increasing. Some days fifteen trains
were run over the road each way. Work was commenced
December 21 on a branch line of road running from Hancock
Station, on the main Army Line, to Fort Blaisdell, on the
Jerusalem plank road. It was completed December 29, but
trains did not run over it for some days after on account
of the very wet weather, which made it impossible to get
the track in good order. January 2 orders were received
to extend this branch line still farther, to the head-
quarters of General Crawford, who commanded one division
of the Fifth Army Corps, a distance of two miles and a
quarter from Hancock Station. Work was immediately com-
menced, but owing to the inclement weather progress was
not very rapid. The track was laid, 1,040 feet of trestle-
work 18 feet high was built, and the line opened by Janu-
ary 20. Station-houses, platforms, and water-stations
were built.

This line is called the Gregg Branch of the City
Point and Army Line. During January a plank road, extend-
ing the whole length of the wharves at City Point, was
built. Orders were received from Lieutenant-General Grant
January 25 to send a construction force (with materials)
to Beaufort, N. C, to repair railroad running inland as
far as Winton. In obedience, I dispatched* Mr. C. L. McAlpine,
principal assistant engineer, in charge of a force of car-
penters and trackmen, with tools, camp equipage, and
materials, from City Point for that place, January 26, on
steamers Detroit, Rebecca Barton, and Charles Barton. The
whole force reached New Berne without any serious detention
January 30, They immediately went to work relaying track,
getting out cross-ties, and rebuilding bridges. By Feb-
ruary 2 the track was repaired to Batchelder's Creek bridge,
and bridge rebuilt. February 5 Col. W. W. Wright, chief
engineer, with his construction force, arrived at Morehead

306

City. Our party kept at work till February 8, when they
were relieved by Colonel Wright's force and embarked for
City Point the same day. The whole force arrived at City
Point February 12, in time to take part in the extension
of the Army Line. From January 25, to February 12 the
construction force remaining at City Point were engaged
in constructing quarters, offices, & c, for the Quarter-
master's Department, repairing and extending wharves, and
building a large wharf at Deep Bottom, on the James River,
and keeping the track of the City Point and Army Line and
branches in good repair. . Our forces made an advance to
the left of Petersburg February 5, and after three days'
fighting succeeded in gaining and holding a position on
the Vaughan road, a distance of about five miles in '
advance of their former line.

An order was received February 8 to extend the Army
Line. The proposed extension was located the 12th. The
line, leaving Warren Station, ran down the old bed of the
Weldon railroad about two miles then, diverging to the
right, across the most favorable ground to the Cummings
house, on the Vaughan road, a distance of five miles from
Warren Station. Work was commenced February 13, and com-
pleted to the Cummings house (Humphreys Station) on the
24th. We also furnished all the necessary sidings, build-
ings, platforms, water stations, and Y for the proper work-
ing of the road. During the progress of this work the
weather was very unfavorable, raining almost with inter-
mission making the ground so soft that it was almost
impossible to do any work or get the teams over it with
material. Two thousand seven hundred and eighty-one feet
of trestle-work was built on this extension, averaging
twenty-five feet high. Most of the timber was cut in the
woods and hauled to the work with teams detailed for that
purpose. A number of hospital cars were fitted up
for the purpose of moving the sick and wounded from the
front and along the line to City Point. These were kept
in almost constant use. Trains were running regularly
and amply supplying all the wants of the army. In addi-
tion to the regular freight business two passenger trains
were run each way daily for the accommodation of mails,
officers, and others, to and from the front. At the time
of building the Army Line many of the officers of the Army
of the Potomac, together with the regular Engineer Corps,

307

denounced this location, declaring that it would be
impossible for an engine alone to ascend the heavy grades;
and as for furnishing the necessary supplies for the army
over it, they considered it altogether out of the question.
It was discovered, however, that engines hauled an average
of fifteen loaded cars per train, and in many cases twenty-
three loaded cars, with one of our ordinary engines, thus
demonstrating the practicability of supplying a large army
over a temporary road constructed in this manner. The
total length of track laid on Army Line, branches, and
aidings was 21 miles 3,955 feet, and total length of
trestle work, 1 mile 1,393 feet, an average of twenty-one
feet high.

Not much of note in railroad affairs occurred from
February 28 to April 3. The construction department was
kept busy making additional improvements wherever needed,
and building a wharf at City Point in the gap between the
quartermaster's and railroad wharves. I also increased
our force and made heavy additions to our rolling-stock,
iron, timber, and other material in anticipation of a move-
ment of our army. April 3, immediately after the successful
advance of our forces, we abandoned the Army Line and com-
menced relaying the track taken up on the South Side Rail-
road to Petersburg, our troops having taken possession of
that place on the morning of the 3d. The road was opened
and in running order to Petersburg April 4. A large force
was set to work changing the gauge of side-tracks and
switches in yard at Petersburg from five feet to four feet
eight and a half inches, to suit our rolling-stock. We
also commenced changing the gauge on main line of South
Side Railroad and completed it to Burkeville, sixty-two
miles from City Point, April 11, and trains commenced run-
ning through with supplies to that point. ' The road was
found to be in wretched condition. The ties were decayed
and worthless, and most of the iron nearly worn out. For
two or three days it was with the greatest difficulty that
trains could be got over the road; -but very soon the condi-
tion of it was improved by placing a large construction
force at work renewing ties, relaying and repairing the
track. Trains commenced to run regularly and on time with-
out any accident of a serious nature, and easily filling
all requisitions for transportation. We also opened the

308

Petersburg and Richmond Railroad, and regular trains
commenced running from City Point to Manchester (opposite
Richmond), via Petersburg, April 7. On the 24th of April
orders were received through General Ingalls to make the
necessary repairs on the Richmond and Danville Railroad
and open communication with Danville, and also to advance
on the South Side Railroad and rebuild the High Bridge
near Farmville, seventy-six miles from City Point. I sent
a large force with material to this bridge, but before the
work was fairly under way the order was countermanded.
April 30 an order was received from you to suspend alL
work on repairs or rebuilding railroads in Virginia, and
only finish such improvements as had been commenced and
were nearly completed. In compliance, immediate steps'
were taken to reduce the expenses in the different depart-
ments. As soon as the men could be spared the greater
part of the Construction Corps and transportation depart-
ments were sent to Alexandria and discharged.

By the 1st of June all the force that possibly could
be spared had been discharged, and only a sufficient number
retained to insure the successful operation of the roads.
Twenty-four new locomotive engines and about 27 5 new box-
cars (all 5-feet gauge) arrived at City Point, loaded on
a fleet of about ninety vessels. By your directions this
stock was sent to Manchester (opposite Richmond) and there
unloaded. A wharf had to be built, long sidings laid, and
connections made with the Richmond and Danville road for
the purpose of storage. Possession was taken of the
machine-shops at Manchester belonging to Richmond and
Danville road, and a force engaged to put the engines and
cars in proper condition before they were sold. Most of
the stock had been on board vessels for nearly three months,
exposed to all kinds of weather, and was in bad condition
when received.

During the month of June the Army Line Railroad was
taken up and material brought to City Point. All property
not in use was collected from the lines of the several
roads and brought to City Point for shipment. Regular
trains were run on the South Side and Richmond and Peters-
burg roads, connecting with trains on Richmond and Danville

309

road, amply supplying all the troops along the lines. A
large number of discharged troops were brought to City
Point, and transportation furnished a large number of
rebel troops returning to their homes.

July 3 the Petersburg and Richmond Railroad was turned
over to the company, and the Richmond and Danville road was
turned over July 4. All material and rolling-stock that
could be spared had in the meantime been shipped to
Alexandria. We continued running the South Side Railroad
from City Point to Burkeville, transporting supplies and
large numbers of troops en route north from North Carolina,
until July 24. At this date the road was turned over to
the company, which closed up our operations of military
railroads at City Point. The whole force (with the excep-
tion of some sixteen men left to take charge of property,
& c.) were brought to Alexandria and discharged. All the
property has been removed from City Point, with the excep-
tion of some material which will remain there until sold.
Mr. C. L. McAlpine, principal assistant engineer, in
charge of construction department, and G. M. Huntington,
superintendent, in charge of transportation department on
this line, were preserving in the discharge of their varied
and arduous duties. May 15, Mr. McAlpine having resigned
his position, Mr. T. D. Hays was then appointed "in charge"
of all our railroad operations at City Point; and to him I
am indebted for valuable assistance rendered.

Source: O.R. Ill, V, pp. 69-75

310

List of Photographs Page

Figure 1 : Location Map of Appomattox Manor vii

Figure 2: 1962 Photo of Appomattox Manor,

Hopewell , Va viii

Figure 3: Present condition of manor house,

right, and kitchen building left - viii

Figure 4: Sketch Map of Appomattox Manor, ,

Hopewell , Virginia ix

Figure 5: Kitchen Building at Appomattox

Manor, view from northwest 20

Figure 6: Kitchen Building at Appomattox Manor,

view from southwest 20

Figure 7: Chimney on North Wall of Kitchen

Building at Appomattox Manor 21

Figure 8: Chimney and South Wall of Kitchen

Building 21

Figure 9: Chimney located on North Wall of

Kitchen Building 22

Figure 10: East Side of Kitchen Building 22

Figure 11: Inscribed brick R .E . 17 63 locatsd
on West Chimney of Center House of
Appomattox Manor 23

Figure 12: Appomattox Manor First Floor Plan 24

Figure 13: Matthew Brady Photograph of Appomattox
Manor taken in 1865 from the northeast
side of the house '27

Figure 14: Photograph of 1856 map of Appomattox

Manor and surrounding lands 40

311

List of Photographs (continued)

Page

Figure 15:

Figure 16:

Figure 17:

Figure 18:

Figure 19:

Figure 20:

Figure 21 :

Figure 22:

Figure 23:

Figure 24:

Figure 25:

Detailed view of Appomattox Manor

from the 1865 map of the property 41

Discharge of Dr. Richard Eppes from

the Confederate Army on June 13, 1862 53

Discharge of Dr. Richard Eppes from the
Confederate Army on September 10, 1862 54

View of a Civil War Cabin left standing
on grounds of Appomattox Manor taken in
18 8 8 6 5

This map shows the location of the Army
of the Potomac & the Army of Northern
Virginia at the start of the Wilderness
Campaign on May 3 , 1864 93

Military Railroad Map of City Point

Virginia , June 1865 105

Front lawn of Appomattox Manor in

June 1865 107

Grant sitting on the front lawn of

Appomattox Manor in front of his office

tent in 'the summer of 1864 108

General Rufus Ingalls , Chief Quarter-
master of the Army, standing on the
front porch of Appomattox Manor 114

General Ingalls and unidentified party

on the porch of Appomattox Manor in May

1865 115

Appomattox Manor 1865. East Wing showing

damage to roof caused by the Union Army

during the occupation in 1864 118

312

List of Photographs (continued) Page

Figure 26: Appomattox Manor 1865. East Wing showing
damage to roof caused by the Union Army
during the occupation of 1864 119

Figure 27: Architectural elevations and floor

plan of Grant's Cabin 125

Figure 28: Military cabins located on the front
lawn of Appomattox Manor during the
winter of 1864-1865. View from northeast... 131

Figure 29: Military cabing located on the front
lawn of Appomattox Manor during the
winter of 1864-1865. View from northwest... 132

Figure 30: The following six photographs are

modern pictures of Grant's cabin taken
in November 1977 , at Fairmount Park in
Philadelphia 134

Figure 31: E. L. Henry painting depicting City

Point during the winter of 1864-1865 148

Figure 32: U.S. Army Hospital at City Point Virginia

in 1865 150

Figure 33: U.S. Army Hospital at City Point in

1865 151

Figure 34: Medical supply boat "VLcLYltdH " landing

supplies near City Point in 1864 154

Figure 35: Plan of Operations around Petersburg

and Richmond in 1864-1865 160

Figure 36: Defense lines around City Point 163

Figure 37: Defense lines around City Point 164

Figure 38: Camp of the Eighteenth New Hampshire

Volunteers at City Point, Va 167

313

List of Photographs (continued) Page

Figure 39: City Point Wharf after the explosion

of the ordnance barge in August , 1864.... 17

Figure 40: Negro laborers unloading supplies at

the docks at City Point 177

Figure 41: The riverfront at City Point 178

Figure 42: The riverfront at City Point "17 9

Figure 43: Unloading supplies at City Point 180

Figure 44: View of City Point, Termination of the

Army Line Railroad 183

Figure 45: The Sixth Corps embarking at City Point.. 184

Figure 46: This engine was named the Black Hawk
and was the first Baldwin engine to
use outside cylinders 188

Figure 47: Unfinished engine house at City

Point on September 1, 1864 195

Figure 48: Railroad engines at City Point 197

Figure 49: The engine house and new track

construction . 198

Figure 50: These three photos show the track lead-
ing to the turntable beside the engine
house A 2 00

Figure 51: The water tanks at City Point 202

Figure 52: Spur track leading to the ordnance

wharf 204

Figure 53: Ordnance wharf at City Point 205

314

List of Photographs (continue d) Page

Figure 54: North end of the engine house just
before the bend in the tracks lead-
ing to the water front 207

Figure 55: President Lincoln' s private railroad

car at City Point 208

Figure 56: Wharf construction at City Point 209

Figure 57: Construction of a temporary trestle

and additional structures 209

Figure 58: United States Military Railroad

engine at City Point 211

Figure 59: Horse and mule transportation at

City Point 212

Figure 60: Unfinished warehouse and railroad

engine along the waterfront 214

Figure 61: Dan forth , Cooke & Company engine
which was typical of the motive
power at City Point 216

Figure 62: Dock area at City Point July 5, 1864 218

Figure 63: 13" mortar "Dictator" in front of

Petersburg, Va : 221

Figure 64: "Dictator" resting in semi-permanent

position ./* 223

Figure 65: Superintendents and conductors of the

United States Military Railroad 225

Figure 66: Telegraph operators at City Point 232

Figure 67 : The Ra,V&Sl Qjjl<L<LYI 262

315

List of Photographs (continue d)

Page

Figure 68: Grant's Staff at City Point in March
1865

270

316